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You searched “Fundamental Rights”. Your tag search matches the following results:

Right To Education

Why in News Delhi High Court asked the Central government to respond to a petition against the authorities for not deciding upon extension of free...

04 Mar 2021 Fundamental Rights
Freedom in the World 2021 Report

Why in News The Freedom in the World 2021 report has downgraded India’s status from ‘Free’ to ‘Partly...

04 Mar 2021 Fundamental Rights
Right To Dissent

This article is based on "The pressing need to adjudicate, not mediate" which was published in The Hindu on 19/02/2021. It talks about...

23 Feb 2021 Fundamental Rights
Sedition Law

Why in News Recently, the Supreme Court protected a political leader and six senior journalists from arrest in multiple sedition FIRs registered...

10 Feb 2021 Fundamental Rights
Rights to Freedom

This article is based on “Beating down critical journalism, creative freedom” which was published in The Hindu on 02/02/2021. It talks...

06 Feb 2021 Fundamental Rights
Right to Privacy & Legitimate State Interest

Why in News Recently, the Central government has stated that though the right to privacy is held to be a sacred fundamental right, the veil of...

06 Feb 2021 Fundamental Rights
Whatsapp and Violation of Privacy

Why in News? Whatsapp, one of the most popular messaging apps, has updated its privacy policy and has asked its users to accept the new terms...

02 Feb 2021 Fundamental Rights
Special Marriage Act, 1954

Why in News Recently, the Allahabad High Court has struck down the provisions under Section 5 of the Special Marriage Act that required parties to...

14 Jan 2021 Fundamental Rights
Scandalising the Courts: A Ground for Contempt

Why in News The Karnataka High Court has issued notice to the Union government on a PIL petition, challenging the constitutional validity of a...

13 Jan 2021 Fundamental Rights
World Minorities Rights Day

Why in News The National Commission for Minorities celebrated World Minorities Rights Day on 18th December 2020. The United Nations on 18th...

19 Dec 2020 Fundamental Rights
Threats to Freedom of Press

Why in News According to a report by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), a record number of journalists were imprisoned during 2020. The...

17 Dec 2020 Fundamental Rights
The Big Picture: Special Marriage Act

Why in News? The Allahabad high Court has recently expressed its concern over the issue of one changing his/her faith just for the sake of...

02 Dec 2020 Fundamental Rights
UP Ordinance on Unlawful Conversions

Why in News The Uttar Pradesh (UP) government has recently passed an ordinance to deal with unlawful religious conversions, which are in opposition...

01 Dec 2020 Fundamental Rights
Article 32 of the Constitution

Why in News Recently, the Chief Justice of India (CJI), during a hearing of a plea, said that the court is trying to discourage petitions filed...

17 Nov 2020 Fundamental Rights
Uniform Civil Code

This article is based on “All states must be brought into the mainstream of family laws” which was published in The Indian Express on...

30 Oct 2020 Fundamental Rights
Supreme Court on Right to Protest

Why in News Recently, the Supreme Court (SC) has upheld the right to peaceful protest against the law but also cleared that public ways and public...

08 Oct 2020 Fundamental Rights
Ethical Code for Electronic Media

Why in News Recently, the News Broadcasters Association (NBA) has asked the Supreme Court (SC) to include its ethical code in the Programme Code of...

21 Sep 2020 Fundamental Rights
Free Internet Gadget and Package to Poor Students

Why in News The Delhi High Court has directed both private and government schools in Delhi to provide gadgets and Internet packages free of cost to...

19 Sep 2020 Fundamental Rights
Freedom of Media

This editorial is based on “Stop press: On blanket gag order against the media” which was published in The Hindu on 17/09//2020. It...

17 Sep 2020 Fundamental Rights
Identification of Minorities

Why in News Recently, the Supreme Court has sought the Central government's response on a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) challenging provisions of...

29 Aug 2020 Fundamental Rights

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		'article_id' => (int) 7843,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Right To Education',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>Delhi High Court asked the Central government to respond to a petition against the authorities for <strong>not deciding upon extension of free education under the<a href="/to-the-points/Paper2/right-to-education" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Right To Education (RTE) Act</a> to children of Economically Weaker Section (EWS) beyond Class 8 and up to Class 12 in school.</strong></p>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Constitutional Provisions for Right To Education:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Originally Part IV of Indian Constitution, <strong>Article 45 and Article 39 (f) of DPSP,</strong> had a provision for state funded as well as equitable and accessible education.</li>
<li>The first official document on the Right to Education was the <strong>Ramamurti Committee Report</strong> in 1990.</li>
<li>In 1993, the Supreme Court&rsquo;s landmark judgment in the <em><strong>Unnikrishnan JP vs State of Andhra Pradesh &amp; Others</strong> </em>held that <strong>Education is a Fundamental right flowing from Article 21.</strong></li>
<li><strong>Tapas Majumdar Committee (1999)</strong> was set up, which encompassed insertion of Article 21A.</li>
<li>The <strong>86<sup>th</sup> Constitutional Amendment in 2002,</strong> provided Right to Education as a fundamental right in Part-III of the Constitution.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>It <strong>inserted Article 21A</strong> which made Right to Education a fundamental right for children between 6-14 years.</li>
<li>It provided for a follow-up legislation <strong><a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/faulty-education-guidelines-in-rajasthan" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Right to Education Act 2009</a>.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Feature of Right to Education (RTE) Act, 2009:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The RTE Act aims to provide primary education to all children<strong> aged 6 to 14 years.</strong></li>
<li><strong>Section 12(1)(c)</strong> mandates that <strong>non-minority private unaided schools should reserve at least 25% of seats in entry-level grades for children from economically weaker</strong> and disadvantaged backgrounds.</li>
<li>It also makes <strong>provisions for a non-admitted child</strong> to be admitted to an age appropriate class.</li>
<li>It also states about<strong> sharing of financial and other responsibilities</strong> between the Central and State Governments.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Education in the Indian constitution is <strong>a concurrent issue</strong> and both centre and states can legislate on the issue.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>It lays down the<strong> norms and standards</strong> related to: Pupil Teacher Ratios (PTRs), Buildings and infrastructure, School-working days, Teacher-working hours.</li>
<li>It also <strong>provides for prohibition of deployment of teachers for non-educational work,</strong> other than decennial census, elections to local authority, state legislatures and parliament, and disaster relief.</li>
<li>It provides for the <strong>appointment of teachers with the requisite entry and academic qualifications.</strong></li>
<li><strong>It prohibits</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Physical punishment and mental harassment.</li>
<li>Screening procedures for admission of children.</li>
<li>Capitation fee.</li>
<li>Private tuition by teachers.</li>
<li>Running of schools without recognition.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>It focuses on making the child free of fear, trauma and anxiety through a system of <strong>child friendly and child centred learning.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Argument for Extension of Free Education under RTE beyond Class 8 for EWS:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The <strong>parents of children are required to pay hefty fees to unaided private schools in classes 9</strong> and onwards which they can not afford.</li>
<li>Changing school from unaided private to government after class 8<strong> may affect the children&rsquo;s state of mind and education</strong> and thus, an extension of the RTE benefits will ensure continuity in the education.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<div class="border-bg">
<p><strong>Reservation for Economically Weaker Section in Higher Education</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><a href="/current-affairs-news-analysis-editorials/news-editorials/08-01-2019" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>103<sup>rd</sup> Constitutional Amendment Act</strong></a> introduced an economic reservation (10% quota) in jobs and admissions in education institutes for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) by amending Articles 15 and 16.</li>
<li>It inserted<a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/lok-sabha-passes-the-constitution-124th-amendment-bill-2019" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong> Article 15 (6) and Article 16 (6).</strong></a></li>
<li>It was enacted to promote the <strong>welfare of the poor</strong> not covered by the 50% reservation policy for SCs, STs and <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/extension-to-obc-sub-categorisation-commission" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Socially and Educationally Backward Classes</strong></a> (SEBC).</li>
<li>It enables both Centre and the states to provide reservation to the EWS of society.</li>
</ul>
</div>
<p><a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/education/no-decision-yet-on-extending-rte-benefits-delhi-hc-pulls-up-govt-7213165/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source:IE</strong></a></p>',
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		'article_id' => (int) 7842,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Freedom in the World 2021 Report',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>The<strong><a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/freedom-in-the-world-2020-report" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Freedom in the World</a> 2021</strong> report has downgraded India&rsquo;s status from <strong>&lsquo;Free&rsquo; to &lsquo;Partly Free&rsquo;.</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>Pointing to a decline in global democracy over the last 15 years, the report said that nearly<strong> 75% of the world&rsquo;s population lived in a country that faced deterioration</strong> over the last year.</li>
<li>The <strong>most free countries</strong> in the world, with a score of 100, are<strong> Finland, Norway and Sweden,</strong> while the <strong>least free with a score of 1 are Tibet and Syria.</strong></li>
</ul>
<p><a href="http://www.drishtiias.com/images/uploads/1614846196_image2.png" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong><img class="content-img" src="http://www.drishtiias.com/images/uploads/1614846196_image2.png" style="display: block; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" caption="false" width="426" height="344" /></strong></a></p>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>About the Report:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><strong>Published By:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>USA based human rights watchdog <strong>Freedom House,</strong> which is largely<strong> funded through USA government grants,</strong> has been<strong> tracking the course of democracy since 1941. </strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Scores are Based on:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li><strong>Political rights</strong> indicators such as the electoral process, political pluralism and participation and government functioning.</li>
<li><strong>Civil liberties</strong> indicators related to freedom of expression and belief, associational and organisational rights, the rule of law and personal autonomy and individual rights.</li>
<li>Countries are declared as <strong>&ldquo;free&rdquo;, &ldquo;partly free&rdquo; or &ldquo;not free&rdquo;.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>India&rsquo;s Score:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>India&rsquo;s <strong>score was 67, a drop from 71/100 from last year</strong> (reflecting 2019 data) downgrading it from the free category last year (i.e., based on 2020 data).</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Reasons for India&rsquo;s Fall:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><strong>Freedom of Media:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Attacks on press freedom have escalated dramatically, and reporting has become significantly less ambitious in recent years, citing the use of <strong>security, <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/misuse-of-criminal-defamation-law-madras-hc" target="_blank" rel="noopener">defamation</a>, <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/sedition-law-2" target="_blank" rel="noopener">sedition</a> and <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/contempt-of-court-3" target="_blank" rel="noopener">contempt of court</a></strong> laws to quiet critical media voices.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Elevation of Hindu Nationalist Interests:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>India appears to have abandoned its potential to serve as a global democratic leader, <strong>elevating narrow Hindu nationalist interests</strong> at the expense of its founding values of inclusion and equal rights for all.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Internet Freedom:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>In a year when <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/society-and-social-media" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>social media</strong> </a>censorship has been hotly seated, while the government shut down<a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/sc-refuses-to-restore-4g-services-in-j-k#:~:text=In%20August%202019%2C%20the%20Central,internet%20speed%20restricted%20to%202G." target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong> Internet connectivity in Kashmir</strong> </a>as well as on Delhi&rsquo;s borders, <strong>India&rsquo;s Internet freedom score dropped to just 51.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Covid Response:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Response to <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/comprehensive-action-plan-for-covid-19" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Covid-19</strong></a> included a hamfisted lockdown that resulted in the dangerous and unplanned <strong>displacement of millions of internal <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/database-of-migrants" target="_blank" rel="noopener">migrant workers.</a></strong></li>
<li>It added that <strong>Muslims were disproportionately blamed</strong> for the spread of the virus and faced attacks by vigilante mobs.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Crackdown on Protesters:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>The government intensified its crackdown on protesters opposed to a discriminatory<a href="/to-the-points/Paper2/citizenship-amendment-act-2019" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong> citizenship law</strong></a> and arrested dozens of journalists who aired criticism of the official pandemic response.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Laws:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li><a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/up-ordinance-on-unlawful-conversions#:~:text=UP%20Unlawful%20Religious%20Conversion%20Prohibition,religious%20conversion%20is%20two%20months." target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Uttar Pradesh&rsquo;s law prohibiting forced religious conversion</strong></a> through interfaith marriage was also listed as a concern.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<p><a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/india-is-partly-free-says-us-thinktank/article33981116.ece" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source:TH</strong></a></p>',
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		'article_id' => (int) 7762,
		'category_id' => (int) 22,
		'title' => 'Right To Dissent',
		'description' => '<div class="border">
<p>This article is based on<strong>&nbsp;"<a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/the-pressing-need-to-adjudicate-not-mediate/article33874422.ece">The pressing need to adjudicate, not mediate</a>"&nbsp;</strong>which was published in The Hindu on 19/02/2021. It talks about the significance of the Right to Dissent in a democracy.</p>
</div>
<p>Recently, in the pretext of farmer&rsquo;s protest, a review petition on the Shaheen Bagh protest has been filed in the Supreme Court. The court refused to review its earlier verdict which declared that there is no absolute <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/right-to-protest-in-a-free-society" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>right to protest</strong></a>, and it could be subjected to the orders of the authority regarding the place and time.</p>
<p>This brings into focus the tug-of-war between morality and state security, freedom, and responsibility. On one hand, it is the government&rsquo;s responsibility to ensure that any protest should not turn into violent chaos. On the other hand, public protests are the hallmark of a free, democratic society, whose logic demands that the voice of the people should be heard by those in power and decisions be reached after proper discussion and consultation.</p>
<p>In spite of this dilemma, in order to preserve the democratic fabric of the Indian society, it is the responsibility of stakeholders in a democracy that all freedoms under Article 19 of the Constitution shouldn&rsquo;t be seriously impaired.</p>
<h3>Significance of Right to Dissent</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Fundamental Right:</strong> The Right to protest peacefully is enshrined in the Indian Constitution&mdash;Article 19(1)(a) guarantees the freedom of speech and expression; Article 19(1)(b) assures citizens the right to assemble peaceably and without arms.</li>
<li><strong>Historical Context:</strong> The background of the Indian Constitution is formed by its anti-colonial struggle, within which the seeds of a political public sphere and democratic constitution were sown.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The Indian people fought hard and long to publicly express their views on colonial policies and laws and form a public opinion against them.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Checking Abuse of Power:</strong> The Right to the association is required to form associations for political purposes &mdash; for instance, to collectively challenge government decisions and to even aim, peacefully and legally, to displace the government, to not merely check abuse of power but to wrest power.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The Right to peaceably assemble allows political parties and citizenship bodies such as university-based student groups to question and object to acts of the government by demonstrations, agitations and public meetings, to launch sustained protest movements.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>People as Watchdogs:</strong> People act as watchdogs and constantly monitor governments' acts, which provides feedback to the governments about their policies and actions after which the concerned government, through consultation, meetings and discussion, recognizes and rectifies its mistakes.</li>
<li><strong>Supreme Court&rsquo;s Observation:</strong> In Ramlila Maidan Incident v. Home Secretary, Union Of India &amp; Ors. case (2012), the Supreme Court had stated, &ldquo;Citizens have a fundamental right to assembly and peaceful protest which cannot be taken away by an arbitrary executive or legislative action.&rdquo;</li>
</ul>
<h3>Challenge to Right to Dissent</h3>
<p>Any form of public action to challenge the government&rsquo;s proposals or decisions is also constitutionally legitimate, as long as it is done peacefully. Article 19(2) imposes reasonable restrictions on the right to assemble peaceably and without arms.</p>
<p>These reasonable restrictions are imposed in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality or in relation to contempt of court, defamation, or incitement to an offense.</p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>However, in the recent review petition, the petitioners apprehended that the observations in the Shaheen Bagh judgment against the indefinite occupation of public space may prove to be a license in the hands of the police to commit atrocities on the legitimate voice of protest.</li>
<li>Recently, not only the protesting farmers but also their supporters, including comedians and journalists, were charged with the Sedition.</li>
<li>Further, any arbitrary restraint on the exercise of such rights &mdash; for instance, imposing Section 144 &mdash; shows the inability of the government to tolerate dissent.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Pro-Active Judiciary:</strong> A fair and effective adjudicative mechanism in constitutional matters can meaningfully prevent agitation on the street.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Studies have shown that social movements could be less radical and less oppositional when the issues could be effectively sorted out by way of fair litigation means.</li>
<li>Further, courts need to ensure timely agitation, because had there been a timely adjudication of the validity of the laws which was questioned by the process recognized by the law, the agitation on the street could have been probably reduced.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Establishing Public Enquiry System:</strong> In the United Kingdom there exists a robust public enquiry system that processes ecological demands, integrates them into the political system, and minimizes radicalization of the movement arising out of exclusion and marginalization.</li>
<li><strong>Imbibing Civic Culture:</strong> On part of citizens, there is a need to imbibe a civic culture that is characterized by the acceptance of the authority of the state and a belief in participation in civic duties.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Conclusion</h3>
<p>In order to participate in public protest, the right to freedom of speech &amp; expression, association, and peaceful assembly are necessary. In this context, there is a need for debate in public discourse that it is time when reasonable restrictions outlined in Article 19(2) should be brought under review.</p>
<table border="1" style="border-collapse: collapse; width: 100%;">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td style="width: 100%; border-style: dotted; border-color: #ff0000; background-color: #fafaf2;">
<p><span style="color: #000080;"><em><strong>Drishti Mains Question</strong></em></span></p>
<p>Freedom of assembly is an essential element of a democratic system and that the public streets are the &lsquo;natural&rsquo; places for expression of opinion and dissemination of ideas. Critically analyze.</p>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p style="text-align: center;"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/ORcHl1RU_Nc" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></p>
<p>This editorial is based on <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/editorial/time-and-perseverance-the-hindu-editorial-on-nasas-mars-perseverance-rover/article33897256.ece" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>&ldquo;Time and perseverance: On NASA&rsquo;s rover on Mars&rdquo;</strong></a> published in The Hindu on February 22<sup>nd</sup>, 2020. Now watch this on our Youtube channel.</p>',
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		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Sedition Law',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>Recently, the <a href="/important-institutions/drishti-specials-important-institutions-national-institutions/supreme-court-of-india" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Supreme Court</strong> </a>protected a political leader and six senior journalists from arrest in multiple <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/sedition-law-1" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>sedition</strong></a> FIRs registered against them.</p>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Historical Background of Sedition Law:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Sedition laws were <strong>enacted in 17<sup>th</sup> century England</strong> when lawmakers believed that <strong>only good opinions of the government should survive,</strong> as bad opinions were detrimental to the government and monarchy.</li>
<li>The law was originally drafted<strong> in 1837 by Thomas Macaulay, the British historian-politician,</strong> but was <strong>inexplicably omitted when the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/a-road-map-for-criminal-justice-system" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indian Penal Code (IPC)</a> was enacted in 1860.</strong></li>
<li><strong><a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/why-indias-sedition-law-needs-to-be-buried" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Section 124A</a> was inserted in 1870</strong> by an amendment introduced <strong>by Sir James Stephen</strong> when it felt the need for a specific section to deal with the offence. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>It was one of the many draconian laws enacted to stifle any voices of dissent at that time.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<p><a href="http://www.drishtiias.com/images/uploads/1612950997_image7.png" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><img class="content-img" src="http://www.drishtiias.com/images/uploads/1612950997_image7.png" style="display: block; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" caption="false" width="617" height="353" /></a></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Sedition Law Today:</strong> Sedition is <strong>a crime under Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code</strong> (IPC).<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><strong>Section 124A IPC:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>It defines sedition as an offence committed when <strong>"any person by words, either spoken or written, or by signs, or by visible representation, or otherwise, brings or attempts to bring into hatred</strong> or contempt, or excites or attempts to <strong>excite disaffection towards the government</strong> established by law in India".</li>
<li>Disaffection includes <strong>disloyalty and all feelings of enmity.</strong> However, comments without exciting or attempting to excite hatred, contempt or disaffection, will not constitute an offence under this section.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Punishment for the Offence of Sedition:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Sedition is a <strong>non-bailable offence.</strong> Punishment under the Section 124A ranges from <strong>imprisonment up to three years to a life term,</strong> to which fine may be added.</li>
<li>A person charged under this law is<strong> barred from a government job.</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>They have to live without their passport and must produce themselves in the court at all times as and when required.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Major Supreme Court Decisions on Sedition Law:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The SC highlighted debates over sedition in<strong> 1950</strong> in its decisions in <em><strong>Brij Bhushan vs the State of Delhi</strong> </em>and <strong><em>Romesh Thappar vs the State of Madras.</em></strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>In these cases, the court held that a law which <strong>restricted speech on the ground that it would disturb public order was unconstitutional.</strong></li>
<li>It also held that <strong>disturbing the public order will mean nothing less than endangering the foundations of the State</strong> or threatening its overthrow.</li>
<li>Thus, these decisions prompted the <strong>First Constitution Amendment, where <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/supreme-court-on-right-to-protest#:~:text=Article%2019%20confers%20upon%20citizens,or%20inaction%20of%20the%20State." target="_blank" rel="noopener">Article 19</a> (2) was rewritten to replace &ldquo;undermining the security of the State&rdquo; with &ldquo;in the interest of public order&rdquo;.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>In <strong>1962,</strong> the SC decided on the constitutionality of Section 124A in <em><strong>Kedar Nath Singh vs State of Bihar.</strong></em><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>It upheld the constitutionality of sedition, but <strong>limited its application</strong> to &ldquo;acts involving intention or tendency to create disorder, or disturbance of law and order, or incitement to violence&rdquo;.</li>
<li>It<strong> distinguished these</strong> from &ldquo;very strong speech&rdquo; or the use of &ldquo;vigorous words&rdquo; strongly critical of the government.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>In <strong>1995,</strong> the SC, in <em><strong>Balwant Singh vs State of Punjab</strong></em>, held that mere sloganeering which evoked no public response did not amount to sedition.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Arguments in Support of Section 124A:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Section 124A of the IPC has its utility in <strong>combating anti-national, secessionist and terrorist elements.</strong></li>
<li>It<strong> protects the elected government from attempts to overthrow</strong> the government with violence and illegal means. The continued existence of the government established by law is an essential condition of the <strong>stability of the State.</strong></li>
<li>If <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/contempt-of-court-3" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>contempt of court</strong></a> invites penal action, contempt of government should also attract punishment.</li>
<li>Many districts in different states face a <strong><a href="/loksabha-rajyasabha-discussions/naxalism-left-wing-extremism-internal-security-threat-vulnerabilities" target="_blank" rel="noopener">maoist insurgency</a> and rebel groups virtually run a parallel administration.</strong> These groups openly advocate the overthrow of the state government by revolution.</li>
<li>Against this backdrop, the abolition of Section 124A would be ill-advised merely because it has been wrongly invoked in some highly publicized cases.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Arguments against Section 124A:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Section 124A is a<strong> relic of colonial legacy</strong> and unsuited in a democracy. It is a constraint on the legitimate exercise of<strong> constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech and expression.</strong></li>
<li>Dissent and criticism of the government are essential ingredients of robust public debate in a vibrant democracy. They should not be constructed as sedition. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li><strong>Right to question, criticize and change rulers is very fundamental to the idea of democracy.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>The <strong>British, who introduced sedition to oppress Indians,</strong> have themselves abolished the law in their country. There is no reason why India should not abolish this section.</li>
<li>The<strong> terms used</strong> under Section 124A like 'disaffection' are<strong> vague and subject to different interpretations to the whims and fancies</strong> of the investigating officers.</li>
<li>IPC and <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/unlawful-activities-prevention-act-1" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Unlawful Activities Prevention Act 2019</strong></a> have provisions that penalize "disrupting the public order" or "overthrowing the government with violence and illegal means". These are sufficient for protecting national integrity. There is no need for Section 124A.</li>
<li>The sedition law is <strong>being misused as a tool to persecute political dissent.</strong> A wide and concentrated executive discretion is inbuilt into it which permits the blatant abuse.</li>
<li>In 1979, India<strong> ratified the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/protesting-is-a-fundamental-right-un#:~:text=The%20ICCPR%20is%20a%20key,International%20Bill%20of%20Human%20Rights." target="_blank" rel="noopener">International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)</a>,</strong> which sets forth internationally recognized standards for the protection of freedom of expression. However, misuse of sedition and arbitrary slapping of charges are inconsistent with India's international commitments.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>India is the largest democracy of the world and the <strong>right to free speech and expression is an essential ingredient of democracy.</strong> The expression or thought that is not in consonance with the policy of the government of the day should not be considered as sedition.</li>
<li><strong>Section 124A should not be misused</strong> as a tool to curb free speech. The SC caveat, given in Kedar Nath case, on prosecution under the law can check its misuse. It needs to be <strong>examined under the changed facts and circumstances</strong> and also on the anvil of ever-evolving tests of <strong>necessity, proportionality and arbitrariness.</strong></li>
<li>The higher judiciary should use its supervisory powers to <strong>sensitize the magistracy and police to the constitutional provisions protecting free speech.</strong></li>
<li>The <strong>definition of sedition should be narrowed down,</strong> to include only the issues pertaining to the territorial integrity of India as well as the sovereignty of the country.</li>
<li>The<strong> word &lsquo;sedition&rsquo; is extremely nuanced and needs to be applied with caution.</strong> It is like a cannon that ought not to be used to shoot a mouse; but the arsenal also demands possession of cannons, mostly as a deterrent, and on occasion for shooting.</li>
</ul>
<p><a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/republic-day-violence-sc-stays-arrest-of-shashi-tharoor-rajdeep-sardesai-and-five-journalists/article33789972.ece" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source: TH</strong></a></p>',
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	(int) 4 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 7636,
		'category_id' => (int) 22,
		'title' => 'Rights to Freedom',
		'description' => '<div class="border">
<p>This article is based on <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/beating-down-critical-journalism-creative-freedom/article33762947.ece" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>&ldquo;Beating down critical journalism, creative freedom&rdquo;</strong> </a>which was published in The Hindu on 02/02/2021. It talks about the issues related to rights to freedom.</p>
</div>
<p>Farmers protesting on the borders of New Delhi and the Union Government are engaged in a tussle regarding <a href="/current-affairs-news-analysis-editorials/news-editorials/2020-12-01" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>three farms laws.</strong></a> After the protest turned into chaos on Republic day, the government has tightened the security.</p>
<p>However, the level of barricading that has been done by the government has been questioned by civil society nationally and internationally. Moreover, there have been active efforts by the government to deter critical reporting.</p>
<p>This can be reflected in instances like nine senior journalists were charged under the law of sedition, a young freelance journalist was arrested, a number of social media pages run by newspapers were blocked and executive order stating that employees of the social media company, Twitter, could face arrest for failure to comply.</p>
<p>These steps may be constituted as an assault on the &ldquo;rights to freedom&rdquo; granted under Article 19 of the Constitution.</p>
<h3>Issues Related With Rights to Freedom</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Non-Obstante Clause:</strong> Like several other articles in the Fundamental Rights chapter of the Indian Constitution, Article 19 includes a non-obstante clause, which means these rights are qualified by reasonable restrictions like law &amp; order, sovereignty &amp; security of the country, etc.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>These clauses under article 19(2) were for the most part inserted by the First Amendment to the Indian Constitution.</li>
<li>However, many times when the government has to balance out the fine line between freedom of citizens and reasonable restrictions, it results in a conflicting condition and compromise on the rights to freedom.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Broad-Terms &amp; Negligence:</strong> Often the dichotomy between freedom of citizens and reasonable restrictions, result in misuse of power by the government, through <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/sedition-law-1" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Sedition law under section 124A of IPC.</strong></a>
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Taking this in cognizance, the Supreme Court in Kedar Nath Singh vs State Of Bihar, 1962 held that sedition will be applicable only to activities intended to create disorder or disturbance of public peace by resort to violence&rdquo;.</li>
<li>However, as these terms are vague, it leads to often misuse of sedition law and neglect of Supreme Court guidelines.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Dis-Proportionate Judicial Remedy:</strong> In recent years the judicial system has emerged as a luxury, whereby rich and influential media houses &amp; journalists get bail quickly and bail gets delayed or denied to independent journalists and smaller media houses.</li>
<li><strong>New Legal Weapon:</strong> Apart from being charged with sedition and other offenses, the free press now has to deal with more stringent the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/unlawful-activities-prevention-amendment-bill-2019-and-the-related-issues" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 2019</strong> </a>which could potentially result in indefinite detention.</li>
<li><strong>Angle of Religion:</strong> Even if religion finds no specific mention as reasonable restrictions under Article 19(2), the politics of religious offense constitute another clear threat to freedom of speech and expression.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>This can be reflected in the recent case of the web series, whose producers and cast face charges despite multiple apologies.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Active Role of Judiciary:</strong> The higher judiciary should use its supervisory powers to sensitize the magistracy and police to the constitutional provisions protecting free speech.</li>
<li><strong>Narrowing Down Sedition Law:</strong> The definition of sedition should be narrowed down, to include only the issues pertaining to the territorial integrity of India as well as the sovereignty of the country.</li>
<li><strong>Adherence to Media Ethics:</strong> Regarding the responsibility of media, it is important that the media stick to the core principles like truth and accuracy, transparency, independence, fairness and impartiality, responsibility, and fair play.</li>
<li><strong>Strengthening Institutional Framework:</strong> Rather than the government, news regulatory bodies (the Press Council of India &amp; News Broadcasters Association), should be empowered to put effective checks &amp; balances over media.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Conclusion</h3>
<p>There is the need to maintain a balance between free expression of individual rights and collective security of the society and state; this responsibility should not be borne by the government alone, but by all those who enjoy these rights.</p>
<table border="1" style="border-collapse: collapse; width: 100%;">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td style="width: 100%; border-style: dotted; border-color: #ff0000; background-color: #fffef0;">
<p><span style="color: #000080;"><em><strong>Drishti Mains Question</strong></em></span></p>
<p>Punitive measures as the first recourse against critical journalism are against the right of freedom enshrined under the Indian Constitution. Discuss.</p>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p style="text-align: center;"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/k2wrsqNQRKI" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></p>
<p>This editorial is based on <a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/blogs/et-editorials/shot-in-the-arm-for-banking-reform/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>&ldquo;Shot in the arm for banking reform&rdquo;</strong></a> published in The Economic Times on February 4<sup>th</sup>, 2020. Now watch this on our Youtube channel.</p>',
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	(int) 5 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 7633,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Right to Privacy & Legitimate State Interest',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>Recently, the Central government has stated that <strong>though the right to privacy is held to be a sacred fundamental right,</strong> the <strong>veil of privacy can be lifted for legitimate State interest.</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The government was <strong>responding to a petition seeking permanent halting of the Centre&rsquo;s surveillance projects</strong>- Centralized Monitoring System (CMS), Network Traffic Analysis (NETRA) and National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID).</li>
</ul>
<div class="border-bg">
<p><strong>Centre&rsquo;s Surveillance Projects</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Centralized Monitoring System:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The government has set up a Centralised Monitoring System (CMS) for lawful interception and monitoring of mobile phones, landlines and internet traffic through mobile networks.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Network Traffic Analysis:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>NETRA (or Network Traffic Analysis) is one such effort being taken by the Indian Government to filter suspicious keywords from messages in the network</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>National Intelligence Grid:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>First conceptualised in 2009, NATGRID (National intelligence Grid) seeks to become the one-stop destination for security and intelligence agencies to access databases related to immigration entry and exit, banking and telephone details of a suspect on a &ldquo;secured platform&rdquo;.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</div>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Petitioner's Arguments:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The government&rsquo;s surveillance projects enable<strong> government authorities</strong> to <strong>intercept, store, analyse and retain telephone and internet communications data</strong> in bulk in<strong> violation of the fundamental right to privacy.</strong></li>
<li>These systems <strong>allow the government a 360 degree surveillance of all citizens,</strong> including judges.</li>
<li>It<strong> sought creation of a permanent and independent oversight authority</strong> - judicial or parliamentary - for<strong> authorising and reviewing</strong> interception and monitoring orders or warrants issued under the<strong> Telegraph Act, 1885 and the IT Act, 2000.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Government&rsquo;s Arguments:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li style="text-align: left;">Lawful interception, monitoring or decryption of any messages or information stored in any computer resources is done by authorised agencies after<strong> due approval in each case by the competent authority.</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li style="text-align: left;">There is<strong> no blanket permission</strong> to any agency for interception or monitoring or decryption; and <strong>permission from the competent authority (Union Home Secretary)</strong> is required.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li style="text-align: left;">It contended there is <strong>sufficient mechanism of oversight</strong> in place in the form of a Review Committee, headed by the Cabinet Secretary at the centre and chief secretary at the state level, which examines if the approval has been given in accordance with the law.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li style="text-align: left;">When the<strong> Review Committee is of the opinion that the directions are not in accordance with the provisions,</strong> it may set aside the directions and <strong>order for destruction of the copies</strong> of the intercepted message or class of messages.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li style="text-align: left;">The grave threats to the country from<strong> terrorism, <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/status-of-radicalisation-in-india" target="_blank" rel="noopener">radicalization</a>, <a href="/to-the-points/paper3/cross-border-terrorism" target="_blank" rel="noopener">cross-border terrorism</a>, <a href="/to-the-points/paper3/cyber-security" target="_blank" rel="noopener">cybercrime</a>, organized crime, <a href="/loksabha-rajyasabha-discussions/the-big-picture-fighting-drug-menace" target="_blank" rel="noopener">drug cartels</a></strong> cannot be understated or ignored and a strong and robust mechanism for timely and speedy collection of actionable intelligence including digital intelligence, is imperative to counter threats to the national security.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Right to Privacy</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>About:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Generally understood that privacy is synonymous with the<strong> right to be let alone.</strong></li>
<li>The Supreme Court described privacy and its importance in the landmark decision of <a href="/to-the-points/Paper2/important-judgements-of-independent-india#:~:text=Union%20of%20India%20(2017),21%20of%20the%20Indian%20constitution.&amp;text=The%20Puttaswamy%20judgement%20of%202017,fundamental%20right%20in%20Indian%20Jurisprudence." target="_blank" rel="noopener"><em><strong>K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India </strong></em></a>in<strong> 2017</strong> that - Right to Privacy is a fundamental and inalienable right and <strong>attaches to the person covering all information about that person and the choices that he/ she makes.</strong></li>
<li>The right to privacy is<strong> protected as an intrinsic part of the right to life and personal liberty under Article 21</strong> and as a part of the freedoms guaranteed by Part III of the Constitution.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Restrictions (as stated in the Judgement):</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The right may be restricted only by state action that passes each of the three tests:<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>First, such state action must have a <strong>legislative mandate;</strong></li>
<li>Second, it must be<strong> pursuing a legitimate state</strong> purpose; and</li>
<li>Third, it must be proportionate i.e., such <strong>state action- both in its nature and extent,</strong> must be necessary in a democratic society and the action ought to be the least intrusive of the available alternatives to accomplish the ends.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Government Steps to Protect Privacy</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Draft Personal Data Protection Bill 2019:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/personal-data-protection-bill-2019" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Bill</strong> </a>regulates the processing of <strong>personal data of individuals (data principals)</strong> by <strong>government and private entities</strong> (data fiduciaries) incorporated in India and abroad. Processing is allowed if the individual gives consent, or in a medical emergency, or by the State for providing benefits.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>B N Srikrishna Committee:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Government appointed a <strong>committee of experts on data protection</strong> under the chairmanship of<strong> Justice B N Srikrishna</strong> that submitted its report in <strong>July 2018. </strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Information Technology Act, 2000:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The IT Act provides for <strong>safeguard against certain breaches</strong> in relation to data from computer systems. It contains provisions to prevent the<strong> unauthorized use of computers, computer systems and data stored therein.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<p><a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/india/veil-of-privacy-can-be-lifted-for-legitimate-state-interest-centre-response-in-delhi-hc-7176694/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source:IE</strong></a></p>',
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	(int) 6 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 7594,
		'category_id' => (int) 15,
		'title' => 'Whatsapp and Violation of Privacy',
		'description' => '<p style="text-align: center;"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/qcpotnpi0rU" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></p>
<h3>Why in News?</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>Whatsapp, one of the most popular messaging apps, has <strong>updated</strong> its <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/new-whatsapp-policy-privacy" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>privacy policy</strong></a> and has asked its users to accept the new terms and conditions by 8 February, 2021</li>
<li>The new policy has come into discussion on the issue of how user data is impacted given its <strong>integration with another social media major Facebook,</strong> which also happens to be WhatsApp&rsquo;s parent company.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>There has been a huge concern over the new privacy policy due to a large population dependent on the app for various purposes of information sharing, entertainment etc.</li>
<li>On the raising concerns, Whatsapp has responded &ldquo;The <strong>update does not change WhatsApp&rsquo;s data sharing practices</strong> with Facebook and <strong>does not impact how people communicate privately</strong> with friends or family WhatsApp remains deeply committed to protecting people&rsquo;s privacy.&rdquo;</li>
<li>This is a <strong>forced consent</strong> taken from the users as it does not leave them with much of a choice. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Those who do not accept the updated policy, will no longer be able to access the chats on the messaging platform.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>Besides breaching users&rsquo; privacy, the policy is also <strong>discriminatory</strong> as it is <strong>not applicable to the United Kingdom and the European Union</strong> but must be accepted by the rest of the world.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Features of the Policy</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>It requires users to consent to sharing <strong>transaction data, mobile device information, IP address,</strong> and data on how they interact with businesses with Facebook group companies.</li>
<li>The policy allows WhatsApp and Facebook to share user information with businesses and third-party service providers that transact on these platforms.</li>
<li>Besides the technical front, even on the analytics front the consent has been asked to <strong>share details such as the login details and the locational details</strong>.</li>
<li>WhatsApp&rsquo;s end-to-end encryption clause still remains intact, but this only ensures that it won&rsquo;t be able to see or share the users&rsquo; messages.</li>
<li>With the updated privacy policy, WhatsApp can now share one&rsquo;s <strong>metadata</strong> - which is essentially everything beyond just the textual conversation - with Facebook and other apps coming under the parent company.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Metadata is data of the data, provides description and context of the data and helps to organize and understand it.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Whatsapp and India</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>Whatsapp is the most popular messaging platform in India, owned by Facebook since February, 2014.</li>
<li>India accounts for <strong>400 million</strong> of the total 2 billion <strong>WhatsApp users</strong> and <strong>310 million users on Facebook</strong> globally.</li>
<li>Also, India is the first country for WhatsApp to launch <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/whatsapp-upi-and-npci-regulations" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>payment services</strong></a>. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>It has received permission from Indian regulators to go live with 20 million users so far.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>Despite such a wide user base, India has been asked for a forced consent only because India is in a <strong>dearth of a stringent data protection law</strong>.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Issues with Social Media Platforms</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>Almost 75% of <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/cyber-crime-data-deprivation-and-data-localisation" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>cyber crimes</strong></a> such as <a href="/loksabha-rajyasabha-discussions/child-sex-abuse" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>child sexual abuse</strong></a>, terrorist radicalisation or financial crime or disturbance of law and order with <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/the-problem-of-fake-news-in-india-issues-concerns-and-regulation" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>fake news</strong></a>, start with either <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/multi-state-phishing-scam" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>phishing</strong></a> or social engineering attack through these messaging apps or social media. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><strong>Social engineering</strong> is manipulating people in order to obtain confidential information such as usually tricking an individual into sharing crucial information such as passwords or bank information, or accessing a computer to secretly install malicious software.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>Countries such as the US have provided a safe harbour to these social media service providers via <strong>section 230 (c) of its Communications Decency Act, 1996</strong>.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Such actions often make these platforms a breeding ground of crimes.</li>
<li>Besides, it also makes a country&rsquo;s sovereignty a subject to the company&rsquo;s policy which is a great anomaly.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>There are encrypted messages that nobody else can access. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Encryption is beneficial but it is more about how a tool is utilised than just about a tool.</li>
<li>Encryption is used to perpetuate crimes, and in such cases, it is very difficult to obtain any evidence.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Data Protection in India and Other Countries</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>128 out of 194 countries</strong> had put in place legislation to secure the protection of data and privacy.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Africa and Asia show a similar level of adoption with 55% of countries having adopted such legislations from which 23 are least developed countries.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>India:</strong> Although the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/privacy-judgement-and-the-aftermath#:~:text=Two%20years%20ago%2C%20in%20August,and%20liberty%20under%20Article%2021" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Puttaswamy Judgment</strong></a> talks for privacy as a fundamental right, India for real, <strong>does not have a strict law</strong> or any specific provisions for the protection of an individual&rsquo;s data. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/draft-personal-data-protection-bill-2019#:~:text=It%20is%20commonly%20referred%20to,which%20can%20identify%20the%20individual" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Personal Data Protection Bill (PDP)</strong></a>. that seeks to provide for the protection of personal data of individuals is <strong>still a debated topic</strong> in the Parliament of India.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Russia:</strong> The Russian Federation has separate legislations regarding <strong>Electronic Transactions</strong> and draft legislations for <strong>Consumer Protection</strong> as well as <strong>Privacy and Data Protection</strong>. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The key legislation is Federal Law No. 15-FZ on Personal Data 2006 (the Personal Data Law), which is supplemented by numerous additional laws, regulations and guidelines.</li>
<li>The combination of a number of Russian laws provides comprehensive privacy protection across all sectors</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>European Union:</strong> 43 countries in the European Union (out of 45) have legislation specifically for data protection.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>WhatsApp is legally bound to not share data with Facebook in the European Region because it&rsquo;s a contravention of the provisions of the <strong>General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR)</strong>. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>GDPR is a regulation in the European Union law on data protection and privacy in the European Union and the European Economic Area.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>United Kingdom:</strong> The UK has separate laws for electronic transactions, consumer protection, privacy &amp; data protection and cybercrimes. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>In 2018, the UK's Information Commissioner&rsquo;s Office (ICO) got WhatsApp to <strong>sign an undertaking</strong> in which it has <strong>committed publicly not to share personal data</strong> with Facebook in the future until the two services can do it in a way that is compliant with GDPR.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>USA:</strong> The US has sector specific data protection laws and regulations that work together with state-level legislation to safeguard American citizens&rsquo; data such as <strong>Federal Information Security Management Act (FISMA), NIST 800-171</strong> etc.</li>
<li><strong>Australia:</strong> The <strong>Privacy Act 1988 (Privacy Act)</strong> is an Australian law which regulates the handling of personal information about individuals.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Implementation of the PDP Bill:</strong> It has been enough time since the debates on the PDP Bill have been going on, now is the high time for its implementation. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Absence of a rigid law means that there is no relief that a user can get in case of a breach or misuse of data.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Prioritising the privacy:</strong> With shifting towards digitisation in education, entertainment, banking and almost everything, it is time now that people understand that privacy is very crucial and shall not be compromised at any cost. The way forward is <strong>more user-privacy-centered apps</strong>.</li>
<li><strong>India&rsquo;s Own Apps:</strong> India shall develop its own digital sovereignty and its own Apps.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The Apps would agree to the <strong>nine privacy principles</strong> as mentioned in the <strong>AP Shah committee</strong>.</li>
<li>The committee recommended an overarching law to protect privacy and personal data in the private and public spheres.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>It talks about accountability, notice, consent, limitation of collection, limitation of use, access and corrections and safeguards.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Uninstalling the App is not a Solution:</strong> Deleting the App does not do it all, the data that already exists, stays with the company and will still be shared among the other Apps. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The governments of various nations have to respond to these kinds of discriminations and make sure that if there are any such policies, it should either be for all or for none.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Conclusion</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The privacy policy of Whatsapp must be a contract between the company and its users where the latter must be allowed with the rights to preserve its privacy. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The confidentiality of the information of the users that must be maintained, is clearly being violated by Whatsapp&rsquo;s new policy.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>India is in dire need of a law that protects the sensitive information of its citizens and also prevents them from being exploited by any such organisation. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>India is a country with a database of 400 million users whose privacy cannot be accepted if breached.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>The discriminatory policy of Whatsapp calls for India to make provisions that assert its intolerance towards any sort of discrepancies and that India prefers a more equitable approach.</li>
</ul>
<div class="border-bg">
<p><strong>MeitY&rsquo;s letter to Whatsapp</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The <strong>Union Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY)</strong> has sent a strongly worded letter to the CEO of WhatsApp, asking the company to <strong>withdraw its unilateral privacy policy changes</strong> calling them unfair and unacceptable.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>In its letter, MeitY has said the terms of service and the proposed privacy policy are an <strong>&lsquo;all-or-nothing&rsquo; approach,</strong> which take away any meaningful choice from Indian users.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>MeitY has also <strong>raised objections to the differential treatment</strong> accorded by WhatsApp to its users in India compared with those in the European Union.</li>
<li>WhatsApp&rsquo;s new privacy policy <strong>was to be implemented from February 8</strong> but has been<strong> put on hold till May 15</strong> due to user backlash; the policy aims to share commercial user data with parent company Facebook.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The ministry has sought details about exact categories of data that WhatsApp will collect from Indian users.</li>
<li>The App has also been asked to provide details about the difference between its privacy policies in India and other countries.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
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		'article_id' => (int) 7453,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Special Marriage Act, 1954',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>Recently, the<strong> Allahabad High Court has</strong> struck down the provisions under <strong>Section 5 of the <a href="/loksabha-rajyasabha-discussions/the-big-picture-special-marriage-act" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Special Marriage Act</a></strong> that required parties to give a 30-day mandatory public notice of their intention to marry.</p>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Special Marriage Act (SMA), 1954:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The Special Marriage Act is a <strong>central legislation</strong> made to <strong>validate and register interreligious and inter-caste marriages in India.</strong></li>
<li>It allows two individuals to solemnise their marriage through a<strong> civil contract.</strong></li>
<li><strong>No religious formalities</strong> are needed to be carried out under the Act.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Provisions of the Special Marriage Act:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><strong>Section 4:</strong> There are <strong>certain conditions</strong> laid down in Section 4 of the Act:<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>It says that neither of the parties should have a spouse living.</li>
<li>Both the parties should be <strong>capable of giving consent;</strong> should be sane at the time of marriage.</li>
<li>The parties shall<strong> not be within the prohibited degree of relations</strong> as prescribed under their law.</li>
<li>While <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/minimum-age-of-marriage-for-girls" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>considering the age</strong></a>, the <strong>male must be at least 21 and the female be 18 at least.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Section 5 and 6:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Under these sections, the parties wishing to marry are <strong>supposed to give a notice for their marriage</strong> to the Marriage Officer in an area where one of the spouses has been <strong>living for the last 30 days.</strong> Then, the marriage officer publishes the notice of marriage in his office.</li>
<li><strong>Anyone having any objection to the marriage</strong> can file against it within a period of 30 days. If any such objection against the marriage is sustained by the marriage officer, the marriage can be rejected.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Details of the verdict</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><strong>Observations:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>The <strong>provision for mandatory publication of notice,</strong> derived through &ldquo;simplistic reading&rdquo; of the particular law, &ldquo;would<strong> invade the fundamental rights of liberty and privacy,</strong> including within its sphere freedom to choose for marriage without interference from state and non-state actors, of the persons concerned&rdquo;.</li>
<li>The court also noted that despite the secular law for marriage, a majority of marriages in the country happen as per religious customs. It said that<strong> when marriages under personal law do not require a notice or invitation for objections, such a requirement is obsolete in secular law</strong> and cannot be forced on a couple.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Publishing marriage details made optional:</strong> The court made it optional for the parties to the intended marriage to make a request in writing to the Marriage Officer to publish or not to publish a notice under Section 5 and 6 of the Act of 1954.</li>
<li><strong>Directives for Marriage officer:</strong> In case the parties do not make such a request for publication of notice in writing, the Marriage Officer shall not publish any such notice or entertain objections to the intended marriage and proceed with the solemnization of the marriage. However, in case the officer has any doubt, he could ask for appropriate details/proof as per the facts of the case.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Basis of Judgement is progressive rulings by the Supreme Court:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/supreme-court-upholds-aadhaars-constitutional-validity" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Aadhaar case (2017)</strong></a> which made the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/privacy-judgement-and-the-aftermath" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>right to privacy</strong></a> a fundamental right under <strong>Article 21</strong> of the Constitution of India.</li>
<li><strong>Hadiya Marriage Case (2018)</strong> which held that the <strong>right to choose a partner is a fundamental right.</strong></li>
<li><strong>Navtej Singh Johar vs. Union of India case (2018)</strong> in which the court decriminalised homosexuality striking down the <a href="/to-the-points/Paper2/to-the-point-paper-2-section-377-judgement" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Section 377 of IPC</strong></a>.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Benefits of the verdict</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>It would <strong>decrease the cases of conversion for marriage,</strong> as the delay under the special marriage Act 1954 was forcing many couples to marry by converting.</li>
<li>It shall <strong>remove hindrances to inter-faith and inter-caste marriages,</strong> and thus could promote ideals of<strong> secularism and egalitarianism.</strong></li>
<li>It shall provide<strong> relief to interfaith couples from being targeted by vigilante groups.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Issue related to the verdict:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Doing away with the public notification of the marriage <strong>could increase the cases of cheating,</strong> for example cases of duping by a married spouse.</li>
<li>It can facilitate anti social activities such as forceful conversion.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<p><a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/india/30-day-notice-period-not-mandatory-under-special-marriage-act-allahabad-high-court-7145476/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source: IE</strong></a></p>',
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		'article_id' => (int) 7440,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Scandalising the Courts: A Ground for Contempt',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>The Karnataka High Court has issued notice to the Union government on a <strong>PIL petition,</strong> challenging the <strong>constitutional validity of a provision of the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971,</strong> that makes <strong>&ldquo;scandalising or tends to scandalising courts&rdquo; as a ground for contempt.</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><a href="/to-the-points/Paper2/public-interest-litigation" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Public Interest Litigation (PIL)</strong> </a>stands for a legal action taken by a public spirited person in order to protect public interest (any act for the benefit of the public).</li>
</ul>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Grounds for Contempt:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/contempt-of-court-2" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Contempt</strong> </a>is the <strong>power of the court to protect its own majesty and respect.</strong> The power is <strong>regulated but not restricted in the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971.</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>The expression &lsquo;contempt of court&rsquo; has <strong>not been defined by the Constitution.</strong></li>
<li>However, <strong>Article 129</strong> of the Constitution conferred on the <a href="/important-institutions/drishti-specials-important-institutions-national-institutions/supreme-court-of-india" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Supreme Court</strong></a> the power to punish contempt of itself. <strong>Article 215</strong> conferred a corresponding power on the <strong>High Courts.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>The <strong>Contempt of Courts Act, 1971</strong> defines both <strong>civil and criminal contempt.</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li><strong>Civil contempt [Section 2(b)]</strong> refers to<strong> wilful disobedience to any judgment of the court. </strong></li>
<li><strong>Criminal contempt</strong> can be invoked if an act:<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Tends to <strong>scandalise or lower the authority</strong> of the court <strong>[Section 2 (c)(i)];</strong> or</li>
<li>Tends to <strong>interfere with the due course of any judicial proceeding [Section 2 (c)(ii)];</strong> or</li>
<li><strong>Obstruct the administration of justice [Section 2 (c)(iii)].</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>Section 5 of the Act provides that<strong> &ldquo;fair criticism&rdquo; or &ldquo;fair comment&rdquo;</strong> on the merits of a finally decided case <strong>would not amount to contempt.</strong> But the <strong>determination of what is &ldquo;fair&rdquo; is left to the interpretation of judges.</strong></li>
<li>The Act was <strong>amended in 2006</strong> to include the<strong> defence of truth</strong> under Section 13 of the original legislation. Implying that the court must permit justification by truth as a valid defence if it is satisfied that it is in the public interest.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Arguments of the Petitioners:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><strong>Section 2(c)(i)</strong> of the Act <strong>violates the right to free speech and expression</strong> guaranteed under<strong> Article 19(1)(a) and does not amount to a reasonable restriction under <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/access-to-internet" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Article 19(2).</a></strong></li>
<li>Though the petitioners have not<strong> challenged the constitutional validity of Section 2(c) (ii) and Section 2(c)(iii) of the Act,</strong> they have contended that <strong>rules and guidelines must be framed</strong> defining the process that superior courts must employ while taking criminal contempt action, keeping in mind principles of natural justice and fairness.</li>
<li>In the <strong>contempt jurisdiction,</strong> the petitioners have contended, the <strong>judges may often be seen to be acting in their own cause,</strong> thus<strong> violating the principles of natural justice</strong> and <strong>adversely affecting the public confidence</strong> they seek to preserve through the proceeding.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Issues that Get Highlighted:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><strong>Subjectivity:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>The <strong>word &lsquo;scandalising&rsquo; is subjective</strong> and depends on the perception of the concerned person. As long as the words &lsquo;scandalising the court&rsquo; are present (in the statute book), it will be <strong>susceptible to arbitrary exercise of power.</strong></li>
<li>One of the disturbing trends is the <strong>propensity of the court to treat personal attacks on their character as contempt.</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>It is often forgotten that the law of contempt is <strong>not meant for protecting the judges, but it is for the protection of the institution of the judiciary.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Violation of Freedom of Expression:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>A<strong> strong judiciary in a democratic republic</strong> is the bulwark of masses of this country. It <strong>must work towards</strong> fulfilling the goals set out in the constitution - to secure social economic and political justice for the masses and to uphold their fundamental rights.</li>
<li>If the<strong> judiciary is not functioning keeping in mind these objectives, an individual should have the freedom to point out the same</strong> and it cannot be said to be criminal contempt. Freedom of expression is a fundamental right.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>United Kingdom&rsquo;s Decision to abolish &lsquo;scandalising the judiciary&rsquo; as a form of contempt of court:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li><strong>India&rsquo;s contempt of court law is derived from British law,</strong> but<strong> in 2013,</strong> the <strong>United Kingdom abolished</strong> &lsquo;scandalising the judiciary&rsquo; as a form of contempt of court <strong>on the grounds that this went against freedom of expression while retaining other forms of contempt</strong> like behaviour causing disruption or interference with court proceedings.</li>
<li><strong>One of the reasons</strong> why the UK repealed scandalising judiciary as a ground for contempt is <strong>to allow constructive criticism. </strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Does not recognise one of the basic principles of natural justice, </strong>i.e.,<strong> no man shall be a judge in his own cause.</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Thus, in contempt proceedings, the court arrogates to itself the powers of a judge, jury and executioner which often leads to perverse outcomes.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Freedom of speech</strong> is the most fundamental of the fundamental rights and the restrictions thereupon have to be minimal. The <strong>law of contempt of court can impose only such restrictions as are needed to sustain the legitimacy of the judicial institutions.</strong> The law need not protect the judges. It has to protect only the judiciary.</li>
<li>A contempt notice issued without proper scrutiny could cause great hardship to people who are engaged in public life. Freedom must be the rule and the restriction must be an exception.</li>
<li>In contemporary times, it is more important that <strong>courts are seen to be concerned about accountability,</strong> that allegations are scotched by impartial probes rather than threats of contempt action, and processes are transparent.</li>
</ul>
<p><a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/karnataka-hc-notice-to-centre-on-pil-challenging-contempt-of-courts-act/article33558927.ece" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source: TH</strong></a></p>',
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	(int) 9 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 7252,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'World Minorities Rights Day',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>The<strong> National Commission for Minorities</strong> celebrated <strong>World Minorities Rights Day</strong> on <strong>18<sup>th</sup> December 2020.</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The United Nations on 18<sup>th</sup> December, 1992 adopted the Statement on the individual's Rights belonging to religious or Linguistic National or Ethnic Minorities.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The<strong> National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992</strong> in Section 2(c) of the Act defines a minority as &ldquo;a community notified as such by the Central government&rdquo;.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>In India, this applies to <strong>Muslim, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhist, Parsis (Zoroastrian) </strong>and<strong> Jain religions.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>As per <em><strong>TMA Pai Foundation vs. State of Karnataka case</strong></em> (2002) in the Supreme Court, a minority, either linguistic or religious, is determinable only by reference to the demography of the State and not by taking into consideration the population of the country as a whole.</li>
<li><strong>Constitutional Provisions Related to Minorities:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The term <strong>"Minority"</strong> is <strong>not defined</strong> in the Indian Constitution. However, the Constitution recognises religious and linguistic minorities.</li>
<li><strong>Article 29:</strong> It provides that any section of the citizens residing in any part of India having a distinct language, script or culture of its own, shall have the right to conserve the same.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>However, the Supreme Court held that the scope of this article is not necessarily restricted to minorities only, as use of the word<strong> &lsquo;section of citizens&rsquo;</strong> in the Article <strong>includes minorities as well as the majority.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Article 30:</strong> All minorities shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>The protection under Article 30 is confined<strong> only to minorities</strong> (religious or linguistic) and does not extend to any section of citizens (as under Article 29).</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Article 350-B:</strong> Originally, the Constitution of India did not make any provision with respect to the Special Officer for Linguistic Minorities. However, the 7<sup>th</sup> Constitutional Amendment Act, 1956 inserted Article 350-B in the Constitution.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>It provides for a<strong> Special Officer for Linguistic Minorities</strong> appointed by the President of India.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<div class="border-bg">
<p><strong>National Commission for Minorities</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Genesis:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>In 1992, with the enactment of the <strong>NCM Act, 1992,</strong> NCM was formed.</li>
<li>In 1993, the first <strong>Statutory National Commission</strong> was set up and five religious communities viz the<strong> Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and Zoroastrians</strong> (Parsis) were notified as minority communities.</li>
<li>In 2014,<strong> Jains</strong> were also notified as a <strong>minority community.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Composition:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>NCM consists of a <strong>Chairperson, a Vice-Chairperson and five members</strong> and all of them shall be from amongst the <strong>minority communities.</strong></li>
<li>Total of<strong> 7 persons to be nominated by the Central Government</strong> should be from amongst persons of eminence, ability and integrity.</li>
<li><strong>Tenure:</strong> Each Member holds office for a<strong> period of three years</strong> from the date of assumption of office.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Functions:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><strong>Evaluation of the progress</strong> of the development of minorities under the Union and States.</li>
<li>Monitoring of the working of the <strong>safeguards for minorities</strong> provided in the Constitution and in laws enacted by Parliament and the state legislatures.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Example - <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/identification-of-minorities" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>National Commission for Minority Education Institution (NCMEI) Act, 2004</strong></a>: It gives the minority status to the educational institutions on the basis of six religious communities notified by the government.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>It ensures that the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/prime-minister-s-15-point-programme#:~:text=PM's%20New%2015%20PP%20is,sections%20of%20the%20minority%20communities." target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Prime Minister&rsquo;s 15-point programme</strong> </a>is implemented and the programmes for minority communities are actually functioning.</li>
<li>Looking into <strong>specific complaints regarding deprivation of rights and safeguards of minorities</strong> and taking up such matters with the appropriate authorities.</li>
<li>It investigates <strong>matters of communal conflict and riots.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</div>
<p><a href="https://pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetailm.aspx?PRID=1681832" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source:PIB</strong></a></p>',
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	(int) 10 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 7229,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Threats to Freedom of Press',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>According to a report by the <strong>Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ),</strong> a record number of journalists were imprisoned during 2020.</p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>The Committee to Protect Journalists</strong> is an <strong>independent, nonprofit</strong> organization that<strong> promotes press freedom worldwide.</strong></li>
<li>It defends the right of journalists to report the news safely and without fear of reprisal.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Highlights of the Report:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The overall number of jailed journalists in 2020 is at<strong> record high of 272.</strong></li>
<li>Turkey remains the world&rsquo;s worst offender against press freedom with at least<strong> 68 journalists imprisoned for anti-state charges.</strong> At least <strong>25 journalists</strong> are in prison in <strong>Egypt.</strong></li>
<li>There are <strong>dozens of reporters missing or kidnapped</strong> in the <strong>Middle East and North Africa,</strong> including several held by Houthi rebels in Yemen.</li>
<li>Amid the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/coronavirus-disease-named-covid-19" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Covid-19 pandemic</strong></a>, authoritarian leaders tried to control reporting by arresting journalists.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Importance of Free Media:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Free Media<strong> promotes open discussion of ideas</strong> that allows individuals to fully participate in political life, making informed decisions and strengthening society as a result &mdash; especially in a large democracy such as India.</li>
<li>A free exchange of ideas, free exchange of information and knowledge, debating and expression of different viewpoints is important for <strong>smooth functioning of democracy.</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>As the free media by virtue of being the voice of masses, empowers them with the right to express opinions.Thus, free media is critical in a democracy.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>With Free Media,<strong> people will be able to exercise their rights as questioning decisions of government.</strong> Such an environment can be created only when freedom of press is achieved.</li>
<li>Hence, Media can be rightly considered as the<strong> fourth pillar of democracy,</strong> the other three being legislature, executive and judiciary.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Threats to Freedom of Press:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The<strong> hostility</strong> towards the media which is <strong>openly encouraged by political leaders</strong> poses a great threat to democracy.</li>
<li>Government&rsquo;s pressure in the name of <strong>regulations, bombardment of fake news and over influence of social media</strong> is dangerous for the occupation. <strong>Corruption-paid news, advertorials and fake news</strong> are threats to free and unbiased media.</li>
<li>Security of journalists is the biggest issue, <strong>killings and assaults on the Journalists covering sensitive issues are very common.</strong></li>
<li><strong>Hate speech targeting journalists</strong> shared and amplified on social networks are targeted against journalists using social media.</li>
<li><strong>Corporate and political power has overwhelmed large sections of the media,</strong> both print and visual, which lead to vested interests and destroy freedom.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Press Freedom in India:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>In 1950, the<a href="/important-institutions/drishti-specials-important-institutions-national-institutions/supreme-court-of-india" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong> Supreme Court</strong> </a>in <em><strong>Romesh Thappar v. State of Madras</strong> </em>observed that <strong>freedom of the press lay at the foundation of all democratic organisations.</strong></li>
<li>The Constitution, the supreme law of the land, guarantees freedom of speech and expression under <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/access-to-internet" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Article 19</strong></a>, which deals with<strong> &lsquo;Protection of certain rights regarding freedom of speech, etc.</strong></li>
<li>Freedom of press is not expressly protected by Indian legal system but <strong>it is impliedly protected under article 19(1) (a) of the constitution,</strong> which states - "All citizens shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression".</li>
<li>However, <strong>Freedom of press is also not absolute.</strong> A law could impose only those restrictions on the exercise of this right, <strong>it faces certain restrictions under article 19(2),</strong> which is as follows-<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Matters related to interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Press Council of India (PCI):</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>It is a regulatory body established under the <strong><a href="/pdf/1587723916-press-council-of-india.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Press Council of India</a> Act of 1978.</strong></li>
<li>It aims to <strong>preserve the freedom of the press and maintain and improve the standards of newspapers and news agencies in India.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>International Initiative for Freedom of Press:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The Paris based <strong>Reporters Without Borders (RSF)</strong> publishes annually a <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/world-press-freedom-index-2020-reporters-sans-frontieres" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>World Press Freedom Index (WPFI)</strong></a> purporting to evaluate the level of freedom available to the media in 180 countries, which makes the governments and authorities aware of their policies and regulations against and for freedom of press.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>India has dropped to two places on the <strong>World Press Freedom Index, 2020</strong> to be ranked <strong>142<sup>nd</sup> out of 180 countries.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>Media freedom has been <strong>deteriorating around the world</strong> over the past decade. The threats to global media freedom are real and concerning in their own right,<strong> their impact on the state of democracy is what makes them truly dangerous.</strong></li>
<li>Countering content manipulation and fake news to<strong> restore faith in the media without undermining its freedom</strong> will require public education, strengthening of regulations and effort of tech companies to make suitable algorithms for news curation.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Any future<strong> legislation to curb fake news should take the whole picture into account and not blame the media</strong> and go for knee-jerk reactions; in this age of new media anyone can create and circulate new for undisclosed benefits.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>It is important for the media <strong>to stick to the core principles like truth and accuracy, transparency, independence, fairness and impartiality, responsibility and fair play</strong> so that they can gain credibility.</li>
</ul>
<p><a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/world/number-of-journalists-jailed-for-doing-job-near-record-high-report-5491726/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source:IE</strong></a></p>',
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	(int) 11 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 7112,
		'category_id' => (int) 15,
		'title' => 'The Big Picture: Special Marriage Act',
		'description' => '<p style="text-align: center;"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/HyyYpMxxQ_s" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></p>
<h3>Why in News?</h3>
<p>The Allahabad high Court has recently expressed its concern over the issue of one changing his/her faith just for the sake of matrimony while the two persons professing different religions can marry under<strong> the Special Marriage Act</strong> which is &lsquo;one of the earliest endeavours towards the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/uniform-civil-code-1" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Uniform Civil Code.</strong></a></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The court had made the comments after finding that a Muslim woman had converted to Hinduism, and a month later married as per Hindu rituals.</li>
</ul>
<h3>The Special Marriage Act (SMA), 1954</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The Special Marriage Act is the legislation made to validate and register interreligious and inter-caste marriages in India.</li>
<li>It allows two individuals to solemnise their marriage through a civil contract.</li>
<li>No religious formalities are needed to be carried out under the Act.</li>
</ul>
<p><strong>Provisions Under The Special Marriage Act</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The Special Marriage Act came into effect in 1954 permitting any individual belonging to a faith to marry another person belonging to a different faith provided there are certain conditions. The conditions are laid down in section 4 of the act: <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>It says that neither of the parties should have a spouse living.</li>
<li>Both the parties should be capable of giving consent; should be sane at the time of marriage.</li>
<li>The parties shall not be within the prohibited degree of relations as prescribed under their law. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Relationship by half blood as well as by full blood</li>
<li>Illegitimate as well as legitimate blood relationship</li>
<li>Relationship by adoption as well as by blood.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>While considering the age, the male must be at least 21 and the female be 18 at least.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>In case all of these conditions are fulfilled, the parties are supposed to give a notice for their marriage to the Marriage Officer in an area where one of them has been living for the last 30 days.</li>
<li>Anyone having any objection to the marriage can file against it within a period of 30 days, after a 30 days period of considering the objections, the marriage is permitted with 3 witnesses required to sign the registration of marriage.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Anyone who believes that either of the given parties do not fulfill all the required conditions can file an objection against the marriage and the marriage officer can reject the marriage.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<div class="border-bg">
<p><strong>Note:</strong> People of the same faith can also marry under this act; but separate laws for marriage also exist in their respective faith.</p>
</div>
<p><strong>Issue related to the Act</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The act only validates the marriage of two people belonging to different faiths, but there is no punishment for those who forcibly convert the other partner just for the sake of marriage.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>This is a serious issue for the communities such as the Parsis which already exist in minorities, due to coerced conversion these communities will soon be vanished.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<div class="border-bg">
<p><strong>The Uniform Civil Code</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>A uniform civil code here refers to a single law, applicable to all citizens of India in their personal matters such as marriage, divorce, custody, adoption and inheritance.</li>
<li>The Constitution in Article 44 requires the State to strive to secure for its citizens a <strong>Uniform Civil Code (UCC)</strong> throughout India. However, no action has been taken in this regard till date.</li>
<li>Uniform Civil Code seeks to replace personal laws based on the scriptures and customs of each major religious community in India with a common set of rules governing every citizen.</li>
</ul>
</div>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Effective implementation and amendment:</strong> India has a strong set of laws but they are needed to be implemented strictly.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>In the purview of interfaith marriages, the Idea should be to eradicate the core issue; coerced conversion.</li>
<li>Moreover, the Special Marriage Act, 1954 is now a 66 years old law and it definitely needs to undergo certain changes now.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Separating religion and personal matters:</strong> Religion and personal matters are something to be dealt with separately, moreover, marriage and conversion of religion are two things and should definitely not be interconnected.</li>
<li><strong>UCC as the silver bullet:</strong> A uniform civil code for all personal matters; marriage, succession, divorce etc of all the communities including all the citizens shall be there leaving aside the religion. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Issues such as marriages are secular in nature, therefore, a <strong>uniform law can regulate them.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Articles 44, 25 and 26:</strong> Article 44 mentioning the Uniform Civil Code and articles 25 and 26 are often believed to be contradictory. The balance with these articles is something that is rarely discussed and needs more attention now.</li>
</ul>
<div class="border-bg">
<p><strong>Article 25</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>Freedom of conscience and free profession, practice and propagation of religion. According to it, all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practice and propagate a religion.</li>
</ul>
<p><strong>Article 26</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>Freedom to manage religious affairs. Subject to public order, morality and health, every religious denomination or any section thereof shall have the right to establish and maintain religious institutions and manage its own affairs in matters of religion.</li>
</ul>
</div>
<h3>Conclusion</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>Religion today has gone far beyond the faith in the almighty and has become quite antagonistic,where people want to impose their values and beliefs on others.</li>
<li>The time is right to bring in the UCC, by having consultation at a wider level with all the stakeholders.</li>
</ul>',
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	(int) 12 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 7109,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'UP Ordinance on Unlawful Conversions',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>The Uttar Pradesh (UP) government has recently<strong> passed an ordinance to deal with unlawful religious conversions,</strong> which are in opposition of various judgements of the <a href="/important-institutions/drishti-specials-important-institutions-national-institutions/supreme-court-of-india" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Supreme Court</strong></a> (SC).</p>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>UP Unlawful Religious Conversion Prohibition Ordinance, 2020:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>It makes religious conversion for marriage a <strong>non-bailable offence</strong> and the onus will be on the defendant to <strong>prove that conversion was not for marriage.</strong></li>
<li>The notice period to the<strong> District Magistrate</strong> for the religious conversion is <strong>two months.</strong></li>
<li>In case of conversion done by a woman for the <strong>sole purpose of marriage,</strong> the <strong>marriage would be declared null and void.</strong></li>
<li>Violation of the provisions of the law would invite a jail term of not less than one <strong>year extendable to five years with a fine of Rs. 15,000.</strong></li>
<li>If a <strong>minor woman</strong> or a <strong>woman</strong> from the<strong> Scheduled Caste</strong> (SC) or <strong>Scheduled Tribe</strong> (ST) converts, the jail term would be a<strong> minimum of three years</strong> and could be extended to<strong> 10 years with a fine of Rs. 25,000.</strong></li>
<li>The ordinance also lays down strict action, including <strong>cancellation of registration of social organisations</strong> conducting <strong>mass conversions,</strong> which would invite a jail term of not less than three years and up to <strong>10 years</strong> and a fine of <strong>Rs. 50,000.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Supreme Court on Marriage and Conversion:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The SC in its various judgments, has held that <strong>faith,</strong> the<strong> state</strong> and the <strong>courts</strong> have <strong>no jurisdiction</strong> over an<strong> adult&rsquo;s absolute right to choose a life partner.</strong></li>
<li>India is a <strong>&ldquo;free and democratic country&rdquo;</strong> and any<strong> interference by the State in an adult&rsquo;s right to love and marry</strong> has a <strong>&ldquo;chilling effect&rdquo;</strong> on freedoms.</li>
<li>Intimacies of marriage lie within a <strong>core zone of privacy,</strong> which is <strong>inviolable</strong> and the choice of a life partner, whether by marriage or outside it, is <strong>part of an individual's &ldquo;personhood and identity&rdquo;.</strong></li>
<li>The absolute right of an individual to choose a life partner is <strong>not in the least affected by matters of faith.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Related Previous Judgements:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/choosing-a-partner-is-a-persons-fundamental-right-sc" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Hadiya Judgement 2017:</strong></a><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Matters of <strong>dress</strong> and of <strong>food, of ideas and ideologies, of love</strong> and <strong>partnership</strong> are within the central aspects of<strong> identity.</strong> Neither the State nor the law <strong>can dictate</strong> a choice of partners or <strong>limit the free ability</strong> of every person<strong> to decide</strong> on these matters.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/privacy-judgement-and-the-aftermath" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>K.S. Puttuswamy or &lsquo;privacy&rsquo; Judgment 2017:</strong></a><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li><strong>Autonomy of the individual</strong> was the ability to make decisions in vital matters of concern to life.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Lata Singh Case 1994:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>The apex court held that India is going through a <strong>&ldquo;crucial transformational period&rdquo;</strong> and the <strong>&ldquo;Constitution will remain strong only if we accept the plurality and diversity of our culture&rdquo;.</strong></li>
<li>Relatives disgruntled by the<strong> inter-religious marriage</strong> of a loved one could opt to <strong>&ldquo;cut off social relations&rdquo;</strong> rather than resort to <strong>violence or harassment.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Soni Gerry case, 2018:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>The SC warned judges from playing<strong> &ldquo;super-guardians&rdquo;,</strong> succumbing to <strong>&ldquo;any kind of sentiment of the mother or the egotism of the father&rdquo;.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Salamat Ansari-Priyanka Kharwar case of Allahabad High Court 2020:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>The right to choose a partner or live with a person of choice was part of a citizen&rsquo;s <strong>fundamental right to life and liberty</strong> (Article 21).</li>
<li>It also held that earlier court rulings upholding the idea of <strong>religious conversion for marriage as unacceptable</strong> are not good in law.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>Thus, the government implementing such laws needs to ensure that these do not curb one&rsquo;s <strong>Fundamental Rights</strong> or <strong>hamper the national integration</strong> instead, these laws need to<strong> strike a balance</strong> between <strong>freedoms and malafide conversions.</strong></li>
</ul>
<p><a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/up-religious-conversion-ordinance-challenges-sc-verdicts/article33214198.ece" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source:TH</strong></a></p>',
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	(int) 13 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 7006,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Article 32 of the Constitution',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>Recently, the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/47th-chief-justice-of-india#:~:text=Justice%20Sharad%20Arvind%20Bobde%2C%20has,office%20on%2023rd%20April%2C%202021." target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Chief Justice of India (CJI)</strong></a>, during a hearing of a plea, said that the court is trying to discourage petitions filed under Article 32.</p>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>CJI&rsquo;s View:</strong> CJI noted that there is a <strong>spate of Article 32 petitions</strong> and reiterated that the <strong>High Court can also uphold fundamental rights (under article 226)</strong>.</li>
<li><strong>Article 32 of the Constitution (Right to Constitutional Remedies):</strong> It is a <strong>fundamental right,</strong> which states that individuals have the right to approach the <a href="/important-institutions/drishti-specials-important-institutions-national-institutions/supreme-court-of-india" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Supreme Court (SC)</strong></a> seeking enforcement of other fundamental rights recognised by the Constitution.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The SC has <strong>power to issue directions or orders or <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/constitutional-rights-judicial-review-and-parliamentary-democracy" target="_blank" rel="noopener">writs</a></strong> for the enforcement of any of the fundamental rights. The writs issued may include <strong>habeas corpus, mandamus, prohibition, certiorari</strong> and <strong>quo-warranto</strong>.</li>
<li>The right to move the SC <strong>shall not be suspended except</strong> as otherwise provided for by the Constitution. Thus, the Constitution provides that the President can suspend the right to move any court for the enforcement of the fundamental rights during a <strong>national emergency (Article 359)</strong>.</li>
<li>In case of the enforcement of Fundamental Rights, the <strong>jurisdiction of the SC is original but not exclusive</strong>. It is <strong>concurrent with the jurisdiction of the high court under Article 226</strong>.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li><strong>Original,</strong> because an aggrieved citizen can <strong>directly go to the SC, not necessarily by way of appeal</strong>.</li>
<li><strong>Concurrent</strong> means when the Fundamental Rights of a citizen are violated, the aggrieved party <strong>has the option of moving either the high court or the Supreme Court</strong> directly.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>Since the <strong>right guaranteed by Article 32</strong> (ie, the right to move the SC where a fundamental right is infringed) is in itself a <strong>fundamental right</strong>, the <strong>availability of alternate remedy is no bar to relief under Article 32</strong>.</li>
<li>However, the SC has ruled that <strong>where relief through the high court is available under Article 226</strong>, the aggrieved party should <strong>first move the high court</strong>.</li>
<li>In the <em><strong>Chandra Kumar case </strong></em><strong>(1997)</strong>, the SC ruled that the <strong>writ jurisdiction of both the high court and the Supreme Court</strong> constitute a part of the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/basic-structure-doctrine-kesavananda-bharati-case" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>basic structure</strong></a> of the Constitution.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Counter-Argument:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Even as the <strong>SC underlines the powers of the high courts,</strong> it has in the past <strong>transferred cases to itself from the high courts</strong>.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Most recently, the SC transferred the case involving land use for the national capital&rsquo;s <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/centre-s-stand-on-central-vista-redevelopment-project" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Central Vista project</strong></a> to itself from the Delhi High Court. Incidentally, the petitioners had not sought such a transfer.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>When such transfers are made, the petitioners <strong>lose a stage of appeal</strong> that would otherwise have been available had the high courts heard and decided the case.</li>
<li>Recently, the SC also conveyed its concerns that in many matters involving personal liberty, the <strong>High Courts are not exercising their jurisdiction as constitutional courts</strong>.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<div class="border-bg">
<p><strong>Article 226 of the Constitution</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>Article 226 of the Constitution <strong>empowers a high court to issue writs</strong> including habeas corpus, mandamus, certiorari, prohibition and quo warranto <strong>for the enforcement of the fundamental rights of the citizens and for any other purpose</strong>. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The phrase &lsquo;for any other purpose&rsquo; refers to the <strong>enforcement of an ordinary legal right</strong>. This implies that the <strong>writ jurisdiction of the high court is wider than that of the SC</strong>. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>This is because the <strong>SC can issue writs only for the enforcement of fundamental rights and not for any other purpose,</strong> that is, it does not extend to a case where the breach of an ordinary legal right is alleged.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>The high court can issue writs to any person, authority and government <strong>not only within its territorial jurisdiction but also outside its territorial jurisdiction</strong> if the cause of action arises within its territorial jurisdiction.</li>
</ul>
</div>
<p><a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/india/bail-pleas-of-journalist-another-sc-says-why-not-go-to-hc/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source: IE</strong></a></p>',
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	(int) 14 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 6887,
		'category_id' => (int) 22,
		'title' => 'Uniform Civil Code',
		'description' => '<div class="border">
<p>This article is based on <strong><a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/indian-constitution-article-44-uniform-civil-code-parliament-6907746/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">&ldquo;All states must be brought into the mainstream of family laws&rdquo;</a></strong> which was published in The Indian Express on 29/10/2020. It talks about the implementation and issues related to Uniform Civil Code.</p>
</div>
<p>Article 44 of the Indian Constitution states that &ldquo;the State shall endeavour to secure for the citizens a <a href="/to-the-points/Paper2/uniform-civil-code#:~:text=Uniform%20Civil%20Code%20seeks%20to,of%20rules%20governing%20every%20citizen." target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>uniform civil code (UCC)</strong></a> throughout the territory of India.&rdquo; The desirability of a uniform civil code is consistent with human rights and the principles of equality, fairness and justice.</p>
<p>After the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/article-370-and-35-a-revoked#:~:text=On%205th%20of%20August,and%20Kashmir)%20Order%2C%202019.&amp;text=This%20Order%20comes%20into%20force,Kashmir)%20Order%2C%201954.%E2%80%9D" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>revocation of Article 370</strong></a>, the central family law Acts were extended to Jammu and Kashmir. Although, this is another step towards implementing UCC throughout India, still a long distance is to be covered in this pursuit.</p>
<h3>What is UCC?</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The Uniform Civil Code (UCC) calls for the formulation of one law for India, which would be applicable to all religious communities in matters such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, adoption.</li>
<li>The code comes under Article 44 of the Constitution, which lays down that the state shall endeavour to secure a Uniform Civil Code for the citizens throughout the territory of India.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Background of Uniform Civil Code</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The origin of the UCC dates back to colonial India when the British government submitted its report in 1835 stressing the need for uniformity in the codification of Indian law relating to crimes, evidence, and contracts, specifically recommending that personal laws of Hindus and Muslims be kept outside such codification.</li>
<li>Increase in legislation dealing with personal issues in the far end of the British rule forced the government to form the B N Rau Committee to codify Hindu law in 1941.</li>
<li>Based on these recommendations, a bill was then adopted in 1956 as the Hindu Succession Act to amend and codify the law relating to intestate or unwilled succession, among Hindus, Buddhists, Jains, and Sikhs.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>However, there were separate personal laws for muslim, chirstian and Parsis.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>In order to bring uniformity, the courts have often said in their judgements that the government should move towards a uniform civil code.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The judgement in the Shah Bano case is well known, but the courts have made the same point in several other major judgements.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>By arguing that practices such as triple talaq and polygamy impact adversely on the right of women to a life of dignity, the Centre has raised the question whether constitutional protection given to religious practices should extend even to those that are not in compliance with fundamental rights.</li>
</ul>
<h3>UCC and Implications</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Protection to Vulnerable Section of Society:</strong> The UCC aims to provide protection to vulnerable sections as envisaged by Ambedkar including women and religious minorities, while also promoting nationalistic fervour through unity.</li>
<li><strong>Simplification of Laws:</strong> The code will simplify the complex laws around marriage ceremonies, inheritance, succession, adoptions making them one for all. The same civil law will then be applicable to all citizens irrespective of their faith.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>When enacted the code will work to simplify laws that are segregated at present on the basis of religious beliefs like the Hindu code bill, Sharia law, and others.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Adhering to Ideal of Secularism:</strong> Secularism is the objective enshrined in the Preamble, a secular republic needs a common law for all citizens rather than differentiated rules based on religious practices.</li>
<li><strong>Gender Justice:</strong> India has separate sets of personal laws for each religion governing marriages, divorce, succession, adoption and maintenance.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>However, the rights of women are usually limited under religious law, be it Hindu or Muslim. The practice of triple talaq is a classic example.</li>
<li>If a uniform civil code is enacted, all personal laws will cease to exist. It will do away with gender biases in Muslim law, Hindu law and Christian law that have been often challenged by women on the ground that they violate the right to equality.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Challenges To UCC</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Exceptions in Central Family Laws:</strong> The preliminary sections in all central family law Acts enacted by Parliament since Independence declare that they will apply to &ldquo;the whole of India except the state of Jammu and Kashmir.&rdquo;
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>A Second exception was added in 1968 in all these Acts, pronouncing that &ldquo;nothing herein contained shall apply to the Renoncants in the Union Territory of Pondicherry.&rdquo;</li>
<li>A third exception, none of these Acts applies in Goa, Daman and Diu.</li>
<li>A fourth exception, relating to the north-eastern states of Nagaland and Mizoram, emanates from Articles 371A and 371G of the Constitution, decreeing that no parliamentary legislation will replace the customary law and religion-based system for its administration.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Communal Politics:</strong> The demand for a uniform civil code has been framed in the context of communal politics. A large section of society sees it as majoritarianism under the garb of social reform.</li>
<li><strong>Constitutional Hurdle:</strong> Article 25 of Indian constitution, that seeks to preserve the freedom to practise and propagate any religion gets into conflict with the concepts of equality enshrined under Article 14 of indian Constitution.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Collaborative Approach:</strong> The government and society will have to work hard to build trust, but more importantly, make common cause with social reformers rather than religious conservatives.</li>
<li><strong>Brick by Brick Approach:</strong> Rather than an omnibus approach, the government could bring separate aspects such as marriage, adoption, succession and maintenance into a uniform civil code in stages.</li>
<li><strong>Gender-Sensitive Approach:</strong> The government would also do well to complement the overdue move towards a uniform civil code with a comprehensive review of several other laws in the context of gender justice.</li>
<li><strong>Pan-India Approach:</strong> Bringing Jammu and Kashmir into the country&rsquo;s mainstream of family laws is an exercise that needs to be undertaken also for Goa, Daman and Diu, Puducherry, Nagaland and Mizoram.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Conclusion</h3>
<p>The citizens&rsquo; fundamental rights to equality before law and equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Constitution call for a similar action in respect of these territories as well. So does the provision of Article 44 enjoining the state to make endeavours to secure for the citizens a uniform civil code throughout the territory of India.<a href="http://www.drishtiias.com/images/uploads/1604058219_image%200.png" target="_blank" rel="noopener"></a></p>
<p><a href="http://www.drishtiias.com/images/uploads/1604058606_image%200.png" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><img class="content-img" src="http://www.drishtiias.com/images/uploads/1604058606_image 0.png" style="display: block; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" caption="false" width="615" height="291" /></a></p>
<table border="1" style="border-collapse: collapse; width: 100%;">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td style="width: 100%; border-style: dotted; border-color: #ff0000; background-color: #f5fff8;">
<p><span style="color: #000080;"><em><strong>Drishti Mains Question</strong></em></span></p>
<p>The desirability of a uniform civil code is consistent with human rights and the principles of equality, fairness and justice. Comment.</p>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p style="text-align: center;"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/umsAHvhnW-A" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></p>
<p>This editorial is based on <a href="https://www.business-standard.com/article/opinion/growth-constraints-120102900054_1.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>&ldquo;Growth constraints&rdquo;</strong></a> which was published in The Business Standard on October 29<sup>th</sup>, 2020. Now watch this on our Youtube channel.</p>',
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	(int) 15 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 6679,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Supreme Court on Right to Protest',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>Recently, the <a href="/important-institutions/drishti-specials-important-institutions-national-institutions/supreme-court-of-india" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Supreme Court</strong></a> (SC) has upheld the right to peaceful protest against the law but also cleared that public ways and public spaces cannot be occupied and that too indefinitely.</p>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Background:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The ruling came after a <strong>petition was filed in the SC</strong> highlighting problems caused by the protests which led to the roadblock and traffic problems.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Sit-in protests against the <a href="/to-the-points/Paper2/citizenship-amendment-act-2019" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), 2019</strong></a> were organised in the <strong>Shaheen Bagh area of the capital </strong>from<strong> December 2019 to March 2020.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>The petition highlighted that the Delhi High Court (HC) should have intervened positively and not left the situation fluid and the administration too should have talked to the protesters.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Earlier, the petition was filed in <strong>Delhi HC,</strong> which <strong>heard and disposed of the plea the same day without any specific direction.</strong></li>
<li>Despite a lapse of a considerable period of time, there was<strong> neither any negotiations nor any action by the administration.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Issues with the Protest and its Location:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Protesters <strong>did not fully realise the ramifications of the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/coronavirus-disease-named-covid-19" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Covid-19&nbsp;</a></strong><a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/covid-19-now-pandemic-who" target="_blank" rel="noopener">pandemic</a> and <strong>continued large gatherings in a small place</strong> and there was also a general <strong>unwillingness to relocate</strong> to another site.</li>
<li>The protest seemed typical of the many<strong> digitally-fuelled &ldquo;leaderless&rdquo; dissent</strong> seen in modern times.</li>
<li>The presence of various groups of protesters had resulted in <strong>many influencers, acting possibly at cross-purposes with each other.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Rulings:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li><strong>On Assembly:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>The<strong> court cannot accept the plea of the applicants</strong> (who sought to intervene in the matter in defence of the protesters) that an<strong> indeterminable number of people can assemble whenever they choose to protest.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>On Role of Administration:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Such kind of occupation of public ways, whether at the site in question or anywhere else for protests, is <strong>not acceptable and the administration should take action to keep the areas clear</strong> of encroachments or obstructions.</li>
<li>It highlighted that the State or UT administrations have the<strong> entire responsibility to prevent encroachments</strong> in public spaces and <strong>should not wait for courts</strong> to pass suitable orders.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Reference:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>SC referred to its <strong>2018 judgment</strong> in the <em><strong>Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan vs Union of India and Another case</strong></em>, which dealt with demonstrations at Delhi&rsquo;s Jantar Mantar.</li>
<li>The judgment <strong>tried to balance the interests of local residents with those of protesters</strong> to hold demonstrations and directed the police to devise a proper mechanism for limited use of the area for peaceful protests and demonstrations and to lay down parameters for this.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>On technology Involvement:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>The verdict also <strong>dwelt on the merits and demerits of technology impacting social movements.</strong></li>
<li>The ability to scale up quickly, using digital infrastructure, has empowered movements to embrace their <strong>often-leaderless aspirations and evade usual restrictions of censorship.</strong></li>
<li>However, social media channels pose the <strong>danger of creating highly polarised environments,</strong> which often see <strong>parallel conversations running with no constructive outcome</strong> evident.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>SC&rsquo;s Observations on Dissent:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>SC <strong>appreciated the existence of the right to peaceful protest against the legislation</strong> and held that<strong> &ldquo;democracy and <a href="/blog/dissent-is-in-the-air" target="_blank" rel="noopener">dissent</a> go hand in hand,</strong> but then the demonstrations expressing dissent have to be in designated places alone&rdquo;.</li>
<li>The <strong>seeds of protest and dissent were sown deep during the Freedom struggle</strong> but dissent against the<strong> colonial rule cannot be equated with dissent in a self-ruled democracy.</strong></li>
<li>The Constitution <strong>guarantees the right</strong> to protest and express dissent, <strong>but with an obligation towards certain duties.</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li><strong>Article 19</strong> confers upon citizens the right to freedom of speech and expression under <strong>Article 19(1)(a)</strong> and right to assemble peacefully without arms under <strong>Article 19(1)(b).</strong></li>
<li>These rights, in cohesion, enable every citizen to assemble peacefully and protest against action or inaction of the State.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>In a democracy, the rights of free speech and peaceful protest are &ldquo;treasured&rdquo; and must be<strong> encouraged and respected.</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>However, these rights are <strong>also subject to reasonable restrictions</strong> mentioned under <strong>Article 19(2),</strong> imposed in the interest of sovereignty, integrity and public order with the help of police regulations.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Fundamental rights do not live in isolation.</strong> The right of the protester has to be <strong>balanced with the right of the commuter and has to co-exist</strong> in mutual respect.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<p><a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/shaheen-bagh-protest-occupying-public-places-for-protests-not-acceptable-says-sc/article32789318.ece#:~:text=The%2013%2Dpage%20judgment%20upheld,be%20in%20designated%20places%20alone." target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source: TH</strong></a></p>',
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	(int) 16 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 6542,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Ethical Code for Electronic Media',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>Recently, the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/the-problem-of-fake-news-in-india-issues-concerns-and-regulation" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>News Broadcasters Association</strong></a> (NBA) has asked the <a href="/important-institutions/drishti-specials-important-institutions-national-institutions/supreme-court-of-india" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Supreme Court</strong> </a>(SC) to include its<strong> ethical code</strong> in the<strong> Programme Code of the Cable Television Networks Rules, 1994.</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The <strong>ethical code is against airing malicious, biased and regressive content.</strong></li>
<li>NBA<strong> represents the collective voice of the news and current affairs broadcasters</strong> in India. It is an organisation<strong> funded entirely by its members.</strong></li>
</ul>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Background:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>A plea was made to stop the telecast of a programme 'Bindas Bol' on Sudarshan TV <strong>containing objectionable</strong> <strong>content</strong> against the Muslim entries into the civil services.</li>
<li>The SC held that the<strong> content was prima facie &ldquo;plainly hurtful&rdquo;</strong> to the community and<strong> asked the NBA to suggest measures</strong> to strengthen the self-regulatory mechanism <strong>to prevent or penalise airing of communal or derogatory content in the electronic <a href="/current-affairs-news-analysis-editorials/news-editorials/2020-09-17" target="_blank" rel="noopener">media.</a></strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Suggestions by NBA:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>All news channels, whether they are NBA members or not, will have to <strong>follow the Programme Code containing the proposed amendments.</strong></li>
<li>The <strong>News Broadcasters Services Authority</strong> (NBSA) should be granted <strong>recognition as an independent self-regulatory mechanism</strong> to receive and deal with complaints which would strengthen <strong>News Broadcasting Standards Regulations</strong> of NBSA.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>NBSA is an <strong>independent body set up</strong> by the NBA. Its task is to consider and adjudicate upon complaints about broadcasts.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>Submission to the NBSA regulatory mechanism should be made <strong>mandatory for granting/renewal of uplinking/downlinking permissions</strong> by the government.</li>
<li>The <strong>orders passed by the NBSA should be made binding and enforceable</strong> on the channels and the <strong>penalties should be made stringent.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Challenges:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Indian laws present <strong>several complications when an attempt is made to distinguish permissible speech from hate speech.</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>There is <strong>no international legal definition</strong> of hate speech, and the characterisation of what is &lsquo;hateful&rsquo; is controversial and disputed.</li>
<li><strong>Generally, hate speech</strong> refers to utterances that incite violence, hatred, or discrimination against people on the basis of their collective identity, be it race, ethnicity, religion, gender or sexuality.</li>
<li>It <strong>attacks</strong> two key tenets of a democratic republic: the <strong>guarantee of equal dignity to all</strong> and the<strong> public good of inclusiveness.</strong></li>
<li>It is the speech which has reached a level of incitement and is beyond advocacy.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Section 153A and Section 295A of the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/a-road-map-for-criminal-justice-system#:~:text=The%20Indian%20Penal%20Code%20(IPC,of%20Lord%20Thomas%20Babington%20Macaulay." target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indian Penal Code</a></strong> (IPC), which criminalise, respectively, speech that seeks to promote enmity between different groups and speech/acts that outrage/s religious feelings.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Both of these are <strong>vaguely worded and are frequently invoked to suppress speech.</strong></li>
<li>They <strong>militate against the permissible grounds for limiting free speech</strong> enumerated in<a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/right-to-protest-in-a-free-society#:~:text=The%20Right%20to%20protest%20peacefully,assemble%20peaceably%20and%20without%20arms." target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong> Article 19(2) of the Constitution</strong></a>, and, in particular, the restrictions allowed on considerations of public order and morality.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>Just like the substantive hate speech provisions in the IPC, the <strong>Programme Code is also much too vague </strong>and is also<strong> not applied uniformly.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Solutions:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>There is a <strong>need to infuse clarity in legislation by identifying the distinction between merely offensive speech and hate speech,</strong> and by making clearer still those categories of exceptional cases where the Constitution permits prior restraint.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Speech that merely causes offence and is no more than disparaging or unpleasant, should continue to remain shielded.</li>
<li>However, the speech that treats communities with disparate concern, by creating in them a sense of dread, a sense of exclusion from civic life, should go unprotected.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Limitation in cases involving the issue of speech should be restricted</strong> to those categories of minorities who are vulnerable and a <strong>merely offensive statement should not qualify as hate speech.</strong></li>
<li>The<strong> SC should not be afraid of delineating the ambiguities</strong> and has to <strong>handle the exercise delicately.</strong> A working definition of hate speech will have to be discovered by interpreting laws in conjunction with the constitutional right to free speech.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>When it becomes evident that the basic objective of a broadcast is to evoke hatred and to vilify a vulnerable minority the law must find a way to foil the harm. A lot depends on how the Court strikes this balance because hate speech, once uttered, not only leaves little room for restitution but can also ramify to serve all manners of undemocratic ends.</li>
</ul>
<p><a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/make-ethics-code-must-for-all-news-channels-broadcasters-body-tells-supreme-court/article32653265.ece#:~:text=The%20News%20Broadcasters%20Association%20(NBA,to%20all%20TV%20news%20channels." target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source: TH</strong></a></p>',
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		'article_id' => (int) 6524,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Free Internet Gadget and Package to Poor Students',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>The Delhi High Court has directed <strong>both private and government schools</strong> in Delhi to provide<strong> gadgets and Internet packages free of cost to poor students</strong> for attending online classes.</p>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Ruling:</strong> If a school decides to opt for online mode as a medium of instruction, it will have to ensure that students belonging to the <strong>Economically Weaker Section (EWS) and Disadvantaged Group (DG) category</strong> also have access and are able to avail of the same.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Private unaided schools will be <strong>entitled to claim reimbursement</strong> of reasonable cost for procurement of the gadget and Internet package from the government under <strong>Section 12(2)</strong> of the <a href="/to-the-points/Paper2/right-to-education" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Right to Education (RTE)</strong></a> Act.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Legal Provisions: Intra-class discrimination,</strong> especially between the 75% fee-paying students and the 25% EWS/DG students, <strong>upsets the level playing field</strong> and creates a <strong>digital divide</strong> in the classroom which is violative of<strong> RTE Act, 2009, and Articles 14, 20 and 21 of the Constitution.</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>According to <strong>RTE Act,</strong> private unaided institutions and special category schools shall provide free and compulsory education to at least <strong>25%</strong> children belonging to DG/EWS category admitted to class I or pre-primary classes. They will also be <strong>reimbursed by the government</strong> for this.</li>
<li><strong>Article 14</strong> of the Constitution of India provides for equality before the law or equal protection of the laws within the territory of India.</li>
<li><strong>Article 20</strong> of the Constitution of India provides that no person shall be convicted of any offence except for violation of the law in force at the time of the offence.</li>
<li><strong>Article 21</strong> provides for the protection of life and personal liberty. It states that no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>The ruling is aimed at narrowing the<strong><a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/coronavirus-disease-named-covid-19" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Covid-19</a> pandemic-induced <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/right-to-internet-access-and-digital-literacy" target="_blank" rel="noopener">digital divide.</a></strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>According to the recently released<a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/un-report-on-the-impact-of-covid-19-on-children" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong> UN Report on the Impact of Covid-19 on Children</strong></a>, almost <strong>24 million children could drop out</strong> or not have access to school next year due to the <strong>economic impact of <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/coronavirus-disease-named-covid-19" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Covid-19</a>.</strong></li>
<li>According to the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/nso-report-on-education" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>NSO report on Education</strong></a>, nearly 4% of rural households and 23% of urban households possessed computers and 24% of the households in the country had internet access.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Among persons of age 15-29 years, only 24% in rural areas and 56% in urban areas were able to operate a computer.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>According to the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/global-education-monitoring-report-2020-unesco" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Global Education Monitoring Report, 2020</strong></a>, released by the <a href="/important-institutions/drishti-specials-important-institutions-international-institution/unesco-5" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization</strong></a> (UNESCO), Covid-19 had worsened the inequalities in education systems worldwide.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>During the height of school closures in April 2020, almost 91% of students around the world were out of school.</li>
<li>About 40% of low and lower middle income countries have not supported learners at risk of exclusion during this crisis, such as the poor, linguistic minorities and learners with disabilities.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Other Judgments on Right to Internet Access</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The <strong>Kerala High Court, in Faheema Shirin vs the State of Kerala case, 2019</strong> declared the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/access-to-internet" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>right to Internet access as a fundamental right</strong></a> forming a part of the right to privacy and the right to education under Article 21 of the Constitution.</li>
<li>In the <strong>Supreme Court decision</strong> in the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/sc-s-verdict-on-curbs-imposed-in-j-k" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Anuradha Bhasin case (2020)</strong></a>, freedom of free speech and expression on the Internet was accepted as a fundamental right under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution. Trade, occupation or commerce dependent on the Internet is a fundamental right under Article 19(1)(g).</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Government Initiatives</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The Centre has directed State Education Departments<strong> to map the online access available to all their students</strong> in order to <strong>adequately plan curriculum and teaching methods</strong> that can reach such students.</li>
<li><strong>New Education Policy: <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/national-education-policy-2020" target="_blank" rel="noopener">National Education Policy, 2020</a></strong> aims at making &ldquo;India a global knowledge superpower&rdquo; by introducing several changes from the school to college level in the Indian education system with special emphasis on digital education.</li>
<li><strong>DIKSHA (Digital Infrastructure for Knowledge Sharing) platform- <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/classes-in-distance-mode" target="_blank" rel="noopener">DIKSHA</a></strong> is the national platform for school education available for all states and the central government for grades 1 to 12 and was launched in September 2017.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>As part of <a href="/current-affairs-news-analysis-editorials/news-analysis/18-05-2020#:~:text=Technology%20Driven%20Education%20with%20Equity,one%20nation%2C%20one%20digital%20platform)" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>PM eVidya</strong></a> announced under the <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/atmanirbhar-bharat-and-economic-stimulus" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Atmanirbhar Bharat</strong> </a>programme, DIKSHA is the <strong>&lsquo;one nation; one digital platform&rsquo;</strong> for school education in India.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Swayam Prabha TV Channel-</strong> To support and reach those who do not have access to the internet.</li>
<li><strong>Online MOOC courses-</strong> Online Massive Open Online Course MOOC courses relating to NIOS (grades 9 to 12 of open schooling) are uploaded on <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/swayam-and-swayam-prabha" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>SWAYAM portal</strong></a>; around 92 courses have started and 1.5 crore students are enrolled.</li>
<li><strong>On Air &ndash;</strong> Shiksha Vani, DAISY by NIOS for differently-abled, e-PathShala- Radio broadcasting is being used for children in remote areas who are not online (especially for grades 1 to 5).</li>
</ul>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The current ruling will help in the bridging the digital divide in Delhi and other states must follow suit. Though <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/covid-19-and-india-1" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Covid-19</strong> </a>pandemic has necessitated a shift towards online education at a faster pace, the same should be complemented with infrastructure reforms, support and training by the government, aided by civil-society groups.</li>
</ul>
<p><a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/covid-19-and-india-1" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source: TH</strong></a></p>',
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	(int) 18 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 6510,
		'category_id' => (int) 22,
		'title' => 'Freedom of Media',
		'description' => '<div class="border">
<p>This editorial is based on <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/editorial/stop-press-the-hindu-editorial-on-blanket-gag-order-against-the-media/article32623638.ece" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>&ldquo;Stop press: On blanket gag order against the media&rdquo;</strong> </a>which was published in The Hindu on 17/09//2020. It talks about importance and issues related to freedom of media.</p>
</div>
<p>Recently, the higher judiciary passed an order that pertains to regulation of Media. In one order, Andhra Pradesh High Court imposed a ban on the media, and even social media, from mentioning anything in relation to a case linked to former Advocate General of the State.</p>
<p>In the second case, the Supreme Court passed an interim order which stopped the telecast of the remaining episodes of a news channel, as it was engaged in the vilification of a particular community. Though both the order will have consequences for free speech and the citizen&rsquo;s right to receive information, they should be seen in different contexts.</p>
<p>While the first order may envisage to prevent possible defamation or invasion of privacy or at protecting the fairness of a trial or investigation, the other may be seen as putting a check on propagation of hate. In this context, there is a need for fine balance between rights of individual and free press.</p>
<div class="border-bg">
<p><strong>Freedom of Press</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The Constitution, the supreme law of the land, guarantees <a href="/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/right-to-protest-in-a-free-society#:~:text=The%20Right%20to%20protest%20peacefully,assemble%20peaceably%20and%20without%20arms." target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>freedom of speech and expression under Article 19</strong></a>, which deals with &lsquo;Protection of certain rights regarding freedom of speech, etc.</li>
<li>Freedom of press is not expressly protected by Indian legal system but it is impliedly protected under article 19(1) (a) of the constitution, which states - "All citizens shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression".</li>
<li>In 1950, the Supreme Court in <strong>Romesh Thappar v. State of Madras</strong> observed that freedom of the press lay at the foundation of all democratic organisations.</li>
<li>However, Freedom of press is also not absolute. A law could impose only those restrictions on the exercise of this right, it faces certain restrictions under article 19(2), which is as follows-
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Matters related to interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</div>
<h3>Importance of Free Media</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>Free Media promotes open discussion of ideas that allows individuals to fully participate in political life, making informed decisions and strengthening society as a result &mdash; especially in a large democracy such as India.</li>
<li>A free exchange of ideas, free exchange of information and knowledge, debating and expression of different viewpoints is important for smooth functioning of democracy. As the free media by virtue of being the voice of masses, empowers them with the right to express opinions.Thus, free media is critical in a democracy.</li>
<li>With Free Media, people will be able to exercise their rights as questioning decisions of government. Such an environment can be created only when freedom of press is achieved.</li>
<li>Hence, Media can be rightly considered as the fourth pillar of democracy, the other three being legislature, executive and judiciary.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Issues Related with The Present Media</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Right to Privacy:</strong> The right to privacy emanates from natural rights, which are basic, inherent and inalienable rights.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Article 21 which guarantees right to life guarantees right to privacy impliedly.</li>
<li>Many times, the media has crossed its limits of fair reporting and intruded in personal spheres of life.</li>
<li>In Aarushi Talwar Murder Case, the Supreme Court took a view that transparency and secrecy in an investigation are two different things. Where the apex court questioned a section of media for reporting that had resulted in tarnishing the reputation of the victim and her family members.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Media Trials:</strong> The <strong>Supreme Court in Sahara vs. SEBI (2012)</strong> observed that the court can grant preventive relief on a balancing of the right to free trial and a free press.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Apart from this, the Supreme Court was of the view many times that the media covers issues in such a way that it seems like a trial.</li>
<li>Since such trials by the media are likely to affect the reputation of the judiciary and judicial proceedings adversely, it interferes with the functioning of the judiciary as well.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Paid News:</strong> Paid news and fake news can manipulate public perception and can instigate hatred, violence, and disharmony among the various communities within society.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The absence of objective journalism leads to the false presentation of truth in a society which affects the perception and opinions of people.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<h3>Way Forward</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Strengthening Institutional Framework:</strong> The Press Council of India, a regulatory body, can warn and regulate media if it finds that a newspaper or a news agency has violated media ethics.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Statutory status should be given to News Broadcasters Association (NBA) which represents the private television news and current affairs broadcasters.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Tackling Fake News:</strong> Countering content manipulation and fake news to restore faith in the media without undermining its freedom will require public education, strengthening of regulations and effort of tech companies to make suitable algorithms for news curation.
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Any future legislation to curb fake news should take the whole picture into account and not blame the media and go for knee-jerk reactions; in this age of new media anyone can create and circulate new for undisclosed benefits.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Adherence to Media Ethics:</strong> It is important that the media stick to the core principles like truth and accuracy, transparency, independence, fairness and impartiality, responsibility and fair play.</li>
</ul>
<h3>Conclusion</h3>
<p>There is the need to maintain a balance between free expression and other community and individual rights; this responsibility should not be borne by the judiciary alone, but by all those who enjoy these rights.</p>
<p><a href="http://www.drishtiias.com/images/uploads/1600345324_image4.jpg" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><img class="content-img" src="http://www.drishtiias.com/images/uploads/1600345324_image4.jpg" style="display: block; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" width="550" caption="false" /></a></p>
<table border="1" style="border-collapse: collapse; width: 100%;">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td style="width: 100%; border-style: dotted; border-color: #ff0000; background-color: #edfcde;">
<p><span style="color: #003366;"><em><strong>Drishti Mains Question</strong></em></span></p>
<p>Though Free media is critical in a democracy, there is a need for a fine balance between rights of individual and free press. Comment.</p>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p style="text-align: center;"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/_FOouNR8VRM" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></p>
<p>This editorial is based on <a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/toi-editorials/chinas-watching-new-delhi-needs-to-prepare-defences-against-beijings-hybrid-warfare/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>&ldquo;China&rsquo;s watching&rdquo;</strong> </a>which was published in The Times of India on September 16<sup>th</sup>, 2020. Now watch this on our Youtube channel.</p>',
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	(int) 19 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'article_id' => (int) 6335,
		'category_id' => (int) 21,
		'title' => 'Identification of Minorities',
		'description' => '<h3>Why in News</h3>
<p>Recently, the <a href="/important-institutions/drishti-specials-important-institutions-national-institutions/supreme-court-of-india" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Supreme Court</strong> </a>has sought the Central government's response on a <a href="/to-the-points/Paper2/public-interest-litigation" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Public Interest Litigation (PIL)</strong> </a>challenging provisions of the <strong>National Commission for Minority Education Institution (NCMEI) Act, 2004.</strong></p>
<h3>Key Points</h3>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li><strong>Petitioner&rsquo;s Argument:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The NCMEI Act<strong> identifies minorities at the national level</strong> and not at the State level, thereby <strong>depriving deserving minorities</strong> in the states of<strong> their Constitutional rights.</strong></li>
<li>The Centre&rsquo;s notification (under section 2(f) of NCMEI Act) which identifies Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Parsis and Jains as minorities at the national level is against the judgement of <strong><em>TMA Pai Foundation case, 2002.</em></strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>These minorities at national level have a significant population in many states. E.g. <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li><strong>Muslims are in majority</strong> in Lakshadweep (96.58%) &amp; Kashmir (96%).</li>
<li><strong>Christians are in majority</strong> in Nagaland (88.10%), Mizoram (87.16%) and Meghalaya (74.59%).</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>The Supreme Court in the <strong>TMA Pai Foundation case</strong>&nbsp;held that the unit of determining religious and linguistic minority would be 'State'. It also authorised the state government to regulate minority educational institutions.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li>Rational basis of declaring certain religions as minority by the Central government as they have less population in the States is contravened when benefits of schemes for minorities are acquired by those religious minorities in states where they are in majority and those religious communities who are actually minorities are not given equal status.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: disc;">
<li>Those who follow<strong> Hinduism, Judaism and Bahaism</strong> are minorities in regions like Ladakh, Mizoram, Lakshadweep, Kashmir, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Punjab and Manipur.</li>
<li>However, they cannot establish &amp; administer educational institutions of their choice because of non-identification of 'minority' at the State level, thus jeopardising their basic rights guaranteed under <strong>Article 29 and 30.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Changes Demanded:</strong> <br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Direct and declare that Section 2(f) of the NCMEI Act 2004 is arbitrary, irrational and violative of the Constitution and hence void.</li>
<li>Direct the Centre to lay down guidelines for identification of minority at State level.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<div class="border-bg">
<p><strong>Constitutional and Legal Provisions Related to Minorities</strong></p>
<ul style="list-style-type: square;">
<li>The term<strong> "Minority"</strong> is <strong>not defined in the Indian Constitution.</strong> However, the Constitution recognises <strong>religious and linguistic minorities.</strong></li>
<li><strong>Article 29:</strong> It provides that any section of the citizens residing in any part of India having a distinct language, script or culture of its own, shall have the right to conserve the same.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>It grants protection to <strong>both religious minorities as well as linguistic minorities.</strong></li>
<li>However, the Supreme Court held that the scope of this article is not necessarily restricted to minorities only, as use of the word <strong>&lsquo;section of citizens&rsquo;</strong> in the Article includes <strong>minorities as well as the majority.</strong></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Article 30:</strong> All minorities shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>The protection under <strong>Article 30 is confined only to minorities</strong> (religious or linguistic) and does not extend to any section of citizens (as under Article 29).</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Article 350-B:</strong> Originally, the Constitution of India did not make any provision with respect to the <strong>Special Officer for Linguistic Minorities.</strong> However, the <strong>7<sup>th</sup> Constitutional Amendment Act, 1956</strong> inserted Article 350-B in the Constitution.<br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>It provides for a Special Officer for Linguistic Minorities appointed by the President of India.</li>
<li>It would be the duty of the Special Officer to investigate all matters relating to the safeguards provided for linguistic minorities under the Constitution.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>National Commission for Minority Education Institution (NCMEI) Act, 2004:</strong><br />
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>It gives the <strong>minority status to the educational institutions on the basis of six religious communities notified</strong> by the government under the NCMEI Act, 2004-- Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Zoroastrians (Parsis) and Jains.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
</div>
<p><a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/india/sc-issues-notice-to-govt-on-plea-to-identify-minorities-at-state-level-6574171/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><strong>Source: IE</strong></a></p>',
		'posturl' => 'identification-of-minorities',
		'publishon' => object(Cake\I18n\FrozenTime) {},
		'tag' => 'Fundamental Rights',
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		'[dirty]' => [[maximum depth reached]],
		'[original]' => [[maximum depth reached]],
		'[virtual]' => [[maximum depth reached]],
		'[errors]' => [[maximum depth reached]],
		'[invalid]' => [[maximum depth reached]],
		'[repository]' => 'articles'
	
	}
]
$tags = [
	(int) 0 => object(Cake\ORM\Entity) {

		'id' => (int) 281,
		'tag' => 'Fundamental Rights',
		'colorcode' => 'FFFFFF',
		'posturl' => 'fundamental-rights',
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		'updatedby' => (int) 9,
		'added' => object(Cake\I18n\FrozenTime) {},
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		'[dirty]' => [[maximum depth reached]],
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$title = 'Article Tags'
$lastyear = (int) 2018
$year = '2021'
$i = (int) 2017
$selected = ''
$m = (int) 13
$month = 'December'

include - ROOT/plugins/Drishti/src/Template/Element/rightsection.ctp, line 100
Cake\View\View::_evaluate() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 1196
Cake\View\View::_render() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 1157
Cake\View\View::_renderElement() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 1554
Cake\View\View::element() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 668
include - ROOT/plugins/Drishti/src/Template/Element/articlebox.ctp, line 5
Cake\View\View::_evaluate() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 1196
Cake\View\View::_render() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 1157
Cake\View\View::_renderElement() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 1554
Cake\View\View::element() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 668
include - ROOT/plugins/Drishti/src/Template/Articles/tags.ctp, line 61
Cake\View\View::_evaluate() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 1196
Cake\View\View::_render() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 1157
Cake\View\View::render() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 765
Cake\Controller\Controller::render() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 623
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 125
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 93

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