2025

Introduction:

Calls for UN reform, especially of the Security Council, have persisted since the end of the Cold War. The institution, designed in 1945, struggles to reflect contemporary realities. Reform, however, remains stalled due to East–West policy confrontations, chiefly between the US-led West and the Russo–Chinese alignment, which dominate the reform discourse.

Body:

East–West Policy Confrontations

• Security Council Expansion
  • US supports India, Japan, and Germany.
  • China opposes Japan (WWII legacy) and resists India (regional rivalry).
  • Example: China’s opposition to G4 proposals in Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN).
• Veto Politics
  • West reluctant to dilute veto power.
  • Russia and China frequently use veto to block Western initiatives.
  • Example: Russia vetoed multiple UNSC resolutions on Syria; China blocked Myanmar action in 2007 & 2021.
• Ideological Differences
  • West promotes democracy, human rights, and “Responsibility to Protect.”
  • Russia–China emphasizes sovereignty and non-interference.
  • Example: Russia and China opposed Western-backed intervention in Syria despite humanitarian crisis.
• Geopolitical Rivalries
  • The US views reform as reinforcing liberal order.
  • Russia–China aims for multipolarity, resisting Western dominance.
  • Example: Ukraine conflict—West pushed sanctions, Russia–China blocked UNSC consensus.

Why Reform Stalls

• Zero-Sum Calculations: Each bloc perceives reform as a power shift. Example: China resists India’s entry to preserve Asian primacy.
• P5 Status Quo Interests: All permanent members benefit from exclusivity. Example: UK & France offer rhetorical but not substantive support.
• North–South Divide: Developing nations demand equity. Example: African Union’s Ezulwini Consensus seeks 2 permanent + 5 non-permanent seats.
• Process Design: Consensus-based Intergovernmental Negotiations hinder progress. Example: IGN has met annually since 2009 with no draft text.

Critical Evaluation

• East–West confrontation is central, but the real barrier is collective P5 privilege—whether Western or Eastern, no permanent member is willing to dilute its own power.
• The North–South divide further complicates reform, as African and Latin American demands sometimes clash with Asian aspirations.
  • Carnegie expert Stewart Patrick notes that the UN’s main divide today is between the Global North and South, not just East and West.
• Reform debates are often symbolic: P5 endorse reform rhetorically but block practical steps.
• The challenge, therefore, is not just bipolar rivalry but a structural oligarchy at the heart of the UN system.

Conclusion:

UN reform remains stuck between urgency and inertia. P5 privilege and North–South rifts have stalled progress. As Kofi Annan said, “Reform is not a choice, it is a necessity.” Without bridging divides, the UN risks irrelevance in addressing 21st-century challenges. For India and the Global South, coalition-building via G4, L.69, and African Union support is vital to sustain momentum.

Introduction:

Energy security has long shaped India’s external posture: it influences strategic partnerships, trade architecture, maritime deployments, and diaspora policy. With hydrocarbons still central to India’s energy mix even as it scales renewables, the Middle East (West Asia) will remain pivotal. The task is to integrate short-term supply security with a long-term transition that enhances India’s leverage across the region.

Body:

Why energy security is the “kingpin” of India’s foreign policy

• Import dependence: India imports ~85% of crude with a large share sourced from West Asia.
  • Also, India imports 60% of its LPG requirements, with 90% coming from West Asian nations.
• Refining & export hub: India’s complex refineries rely on steady crude inflows; petroleum products are major export earners.
• Macro stability: Oil price spikes widen CAD, pressure the rupee, and raise inflation—creating a foreign-policy imperative to stabilize supplies and prices.

Integrating energy security with foreign policy

1) Locking in reliable hydrocarbons

• Long-term offtake & flexibility: Renew and diversify term crude/LNG contracts with UAE, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Iraq, and Qatar, embedding destination flexibility and price-smoothing clauses.
• Equity oil & upstream stakes: Expand ONGC Videsh/consortium stakes in Middle Eastern upstream blocks to secure “equity barrels.”
• Strategic Petroleum Reserves (SPR): Co-fill SPR with Gulf partners and explore commercial storage in India for their crude—tying their interests to Indian stability.

2) Route and chokepoint security

• Maritime posture: Prioritise Hormuz–Bab el-Mandeb–Red Sea sea-lanes under SAGAR; intensify anti-piracy, convoying, and white-shipping agreements with regional navies.
• Overland/alt corridors: Back multimodal linkages (e.g., Gulf–Levant–Mediterranean connectors) and Indian stakes in key ports to cut transit risk.

3) Using energy to deepen strategic ties

• Investment two-way: Encourage Gulf SWFs/energy majors (ADNOC, Aramco, Mubadala) into Indian refining, petrochemicals, gas terminals, and city-gas networks; offer Indian EPC/services in their upstream and CCUS projects.
• Rupee/dirham invoicing & fintech rails: Reduce dollar exposure for select petroleum trades, improving resilience in volatility.

4) Bridging to the green transition (without losing oil access)

• Green molecules: Co-develop green hydrogen/ammonia supply chains with UAE/Saudi (offtake MOUs, bunkering at Indian ports, standard-setting).
• Solar and grid interconnections: Scale ISA-led solar manufacturing and examine Gulf–India power links to balance peak loads.
• Technology partnerships: Joint pilots on CCUS, methane abatement, enhanced recovery, and diesel-powered renewables—aligning climate goals with producer priorities.

5) Refining India’s role as a regional energy hub

• Crude-to-chemicals pivot: Secure steady crude to expand high-value petrochemicals; leverage India’s complex refining to arbitrage grades and re-export products to Asia/Africa.
• Price diplomacy: Greater engagement with producers on output guidance, transparent benchmarks, and emergency supply swaps.

Risk management and hedging

• Supply shocks: Maintain diversified supplier basket (Middle East + Africa + Americas), staggered term contracts, and calibrated spot purchases.
• Sanctions/geopolitics: Build compliance-savvy trade structures; keep dialogue open with all sides to preserve optionality.
• Carbon tariffs: Green the barrel (lower upstream emissions), and scale clean fuels to cushion future CBAM-type measures.
• Shift in sourcing: Diversification is crucial. West Asia, though still dominant, has seen its share fall to about 46% in 2023-24, a historic low. Meanwhile, Russia now supplies 39% of India’s crude, making it the largest single-source region.

Conclusion:

Keeping energy at the core of foreign policy—by securing Gulf hydrocarbons today, hardening sea-lanes, importing capital/technology for cleaner energy, and positioning India as a refining-to-chemicals and green-molecules hub—will both insure India’s growth and deepen its strategic weight in the Middle East. The objective is not dependency, but mutual interdependence that converts energy ties into enduring geopolitical influence.

Introduction:

The digital era, while opening avenues for learning and connection, presents unprecedented challenges to child safety and well-being. The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR), established under the Commissions for Protection of Child Rights Act, 2005, is uniquely positioned to safeguard children's rights in this evolving landscape.

Body:

Digital Era Challenges for Children

• Online Sexual Exploitation: Pervasive issue of Child Sexual Abuse Material (CSAM) and grooming, often cross-border.
• Cyberbullying and Harassment: Leading to severe psychological distress, anxiety, and depression among children.
• Privacy Violations: Unauthorized data collection, profiling, and misuse of children's personal information by platforms.
• Exposure to Harmful Content: Access to violence, self-harm promotion, hate speech, and age-inappropriate material.
• Digital Addiction: Excessive screen time impacting mental health, physical development, and academic performance.
• Misinformation and Disinformation: Difficulty for children to discern truth, leading to confusion or radicalization.
• Sextortion and Financial Frauds: Coercion through manipulated images/videos and online scams targeting minors.

Examining Existing Policies and their Gaps

• Information Technology Act, 2000 & IT Rules, 2021: Prohibits CSAM and mandates intermediary accountability. Yet, age verification is weak, and enforcement against anonymous offenders remains inadequate.
• POCSO Act, 2012: Provides a robust legal framework against sexual exploitation, but cyber investigations lack trained manpower and digital forensic tools.
• Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023: Strengthens children’s data protection by banning surveillance-based advertising. However, implementation remains nascent and global platforms often bypass requirements.
• Juvenile Justice Act, 2015: Offers a comprehensive framework for child welfare, but is largely silent on digital vulnerabilities.
• NCPCR’s 2019 Guidelines for Child Protection Online: Useful but advisory in nature, lacking statutory backing.

Measures NCPCR Can Initiate

• Policy Advocacy: Champion a dedicated Online Child Safety Law with enforceable obligations for platforms, age-appropriate design codes, and mandatory age-gating.
• Capacity Building: Develop specialized training for police, judiciary, and child welfare officers in digital investigation and cyber forensics.
• Awareness & Literacy: Lead nation-wide campaigns targeting parents, teachers, and students, combined with mandatory digital citizenship curriculum in schools.
• Child-Friendly Reporting: Strengthen integration of 1098 Childline with cybercrime portals for prompt action, and ensure secure, anonymous reporting systems.
• Industry Engagement: Collaborate with social media and EdTech platforms for “safety by design” products, improved content moderation, and transparent compliance audits.
• International Collaboration: Partner with UNICEF, INTERPOL, and other global agencies to combat cross-border child exploitation networks.

Conclusion:

NCPCR plays a vital role in protecting children’s rights in the digital age. This requires legal reform, tech innovation, and digital literacy. Safeguarding children’s digital rights, as envisioned in Article 39(e) and (f), is essential for their dignity and for national progress.

Introduction:

Development is most effective when decisions are taken close to the people affected by them, where local realities, information, and feedback can shape solutions. However, in many contemporary models, decision-making authority is concentrated at the higher levels of government or central institutions. This creates a disconnect between policy design and ground-level execution, undermining inclusiveness and sustainability.

Body:

Why localised decision-making matters

• Context sensitivity – Local communities know their resource endowments, socio-cultural dynamics, and vulnerabilities better than distant policymakers.
  • Eg: Watershed management in Maharashtra succeeded when panchayats took the lead (Ralegan Siddhi).
• Accountability and responsiveness – Proximity makes officials more answerable to people.
  • Eg: Kerala’s People’s Plan Campaign empowered gram sabhas in planning, ensuring better health and education outcomes.
• Efficient resource utilisation – Localised planning reduces leakages and ensures priority-based spending.
  • Eg: MGNREGA works better in states with empowered panchayats.
• Citizen participation – Builds trust, reduces alienation, and enhances democratic legitimacy.

How centralised/delegated models defeat development goals

• One-size-fits-all schemes – Centrally designed flagship programmes often neglect local diversity.
  • Eg: Uniform PM Awas Yojana housing designs often mismatch cultural and climatic needs.
• Centralization → Reality Gap → ↓ Efficiency, Responsiveness & Sustainability
• Information gap – Higher authorities lack timely, accurate grassroots data, leading to flawed allocation.
• Implementation bottlenecks – Local officials often just “follow orders,” with little room for innovation.
• Elite capture – When decisions remain distant, local beneficiaries struggle to influence outcomes.

Critical Evaluation

• Need for balance: Pure localisation may risk parochialism, capacity deficits, and uneven standards.
  • Eg: Some gram panchayats lack technical expertise for complex infrastructure projects.
• Technology can bridge gaps: Platforms like Aadhaar-enabled DBT, PM-Gati Shakti, GeM portal allows central oversight while ensuring local efficiency.
• Global perspective: Elinor Ostrom’s work on polycentric governance shows that neither extreme centralization nor pure decentralization works; layered governance ensures resilience.
• Indian context: 73rd/74th Constitutional Amendments provide decentralization on paper, but states often fail to devolve the “3Fs” (Funds, Functions, Functionaries).

Way Forward

• Strengthen local governance capacity – training, digital tools, dedicated cadre for panchayats/ULBs.
• Functional devolution of powers – operationalise the spirit of 73rd/74th Amendments.
• Participatory planning – deepen gram sabhas and ward committees.
• Hybrid model – Central vision-setting + state coordination + localised planning and execution.

Conclusion:

Development succeeds when decisions travel downward as much as resources do. Over-centralisation defeats responsiveness, while unbridled decentralisation risks inefficiency. A polycentric, participatory, and capacity-driven model—where decision-making is located near the source of information but supported by higher-level expertise—offers the best path for India’s development journey.

Introduction:

The Paradox of Poverty is the coexistence of abundant resources with widespread poverty, caused not by scarcity but by unequal ownership and weak institutions that block wealth from becoming household assets. For instance, mineral-rich states like Jharkhand, Odisha, and Chhattisgarh remain poor despite vast resource endowments.

Abundant Resources + Unequal Ownership + Weak Institutions -> Paradox of Poverty

Body:

Key Aspects of the Paradox of Poverty

Inequality in Ownership of Resources

• Wealth Concentration: The richest 1% of Indians own over 40% of the nation's wealth (Oxfam India, 2023), limiting the majority's access to assets and perpetuating poverty.
• Rural-Urban Divide: A significant portion of healthcare infrastructure is in urban areas, leaving rural populations underserved and vulnerable to financial shocks from health issues.
• Unequal Land Ownership: The colonial-era Zamindari system's legacy continues to affect land distribution, leaving many farmers with insufficient land for a sustainable livelihood (Ministry of Rural Development, 2011).
• Lack of Financial Capital: Despite more bank accounts through initiatives like Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana, many of the rural poor still rely on expensive informal lenders and lack the capital to invest (World Bank, 2021).
• Uneven Economic Growth: There is a skewed growth pattern in the State GDPs with a few like Gujarat, Karnataka, Maharashtra having a huge advantage over the states with rich natural resources like Odisha, Jharkhand, etc. Also, despite being the 4th largest economy, about 11.28% of Indians still live in multidimensional poverty (NITI Aayog, 2023), showing benefits of growth are not equally shared.”
• Political Economy: The allocation of resources like mining leases and land for Special Economic Zones (SEZs) often favours political elites and corporations at the expense of local communities.

Way Forward

• Land and Tenure Reforms: Providing secure land titles to small farmers boosts productivity. Schemes like the Digital India Land Records Modernization Programme (DILRMP) are digitizing land records for transparency and dispute prevention.
• Local Rights and Benefit-Sharing: Giving communities rights over their resources ensures they share in the profits. The Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006, secures the land and livelihoods of forest-dwelling communities.
• Capability Expansion: Investing in education, healthcare, and skills empowers individuals. Ayushman Bharat provides health coverage, while Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) offers job skills to youth.
• Diversification and Strong Institutions: Reducing reliance on a single economic sector is vital. Initiatives like Make in India aim to promote manufacturing and diversify the economy beyond the services sector. Beyond the capital and technology intensive sectors, India needs to emphasize the labour intensive sectors particularly in various MSMEs, textile, leather, food processing, fisheries and animal husbandry which cover a large population mainly from rural areas.
• Wealth Tax: Inspired by Thomas Piketty, a progressive wealth tax could be explored to combat extreme wealth concentration and fund public investments.

As scholars like Mark Rank argue, poverty reflects systemic vulnerabilities rather than individual failings. Thus, resolving the paradox requires shifting from abundance without equity to inclusive resource ownership.

Introduction:

Environmental pressure groups are organizations, NGOs, or citizen collectives that influence public opinion, governance, and policies to promote environmental protection and sustainable development. India’s rapid industrialization and urbanization have amplified their relevance.

Body: 

Role in Raising Awareness:

• Citizen Education: Conduct campaigns, workshops, and seminars on pollution, deforestation, and climate change.
• Grassroots Mobilization: 
• Chipko Movement (1973): Villagers, especially women, protected forests from commercial logging.
  • Narmada Bachao Andolan: Highlighted ecological and social impacts of dam projects.
  • Media and Social Platforms: Modern NGOs like Greenpeace India and CSE use media to promote sustainable practices such as waste segregation, water conservation, and tree plantation.

Role in Influencing Policies:

• Advocacy: Engage with governments, submit policy recommendations, and participate in legislation.
• Public Interest Litigation (PILs): Influence judicial decisions, e.g., Delhi vehicular pollution case (2015) leading to BS-VI emission standards.
• Policy Formation: NGOs like WWF India contribute to wildlife and forest conservation policies.

Role in Environmental Protection:

• Direct Action: Participate in afforestation, river cleaning, and endangered species protection initiatives.
• International Collaboration: Support implementation of global agreements, e.g., Paris Climate Agreement in India.

Challenges:

• Political resistance and conflict with development agendas.
• Industrial pressure limits advocacy on pollution or large projects.
• Limited funding and resources for grassroots initiatives.
• Balancing development with conservation priorities.
• Fragmentation among multiple groups reducing collective impact.

Conclusion:

Environmental pressure groups are critical actors in India’s environmental governance, enhancing awareness, accountability, and ecological stewardship. As Vandana Shiva observes, “Environmental activism is not just about nature, it is about justice, democracy, and survival.” Strengthening their capacity and fostering collaboration with government and citizens ensures sustainable and inclusive development.

Introduction: 

Fiscal federalism refers to the division of financial powers and responsibilities between the Centre and States, crucial for planned economic development in India. India follows a quasi-federal model, combining a strong central authority with autonomous fiscal powers for states under Articles 268–293. 

Body : 

Historical Pattern of Centre-State Financial Relations

• Pre-Planning Era: The Centre controlled major taxes, creating vertical imbalance, while states depended heavily on grants to meet their expenditure needs.
• Five-Year Plans Era (1950s–1980s): The Planning Commission allocated resources centrally, emphasizing national priorities. 
  • The Finance Commission recommended tax distribution and grants-in-aid. 
  • Grants were crucial to reducing horizontal imbalance, ensuring poorer states received sufficient funds for development.
• Key Features:
  • Vertical imbalance: States had limited independent revenue sources.
  • Horizontal imbalance: States with weaker fiscal bases relied more on Centre transfers.

Recent Reforms and their Impact on Fiscal Federalism

• Institutionalizing Cooperative Federalism : 
  • NITI Aayog’s Role: Replaced the Planning Commission to promote cooperative and competitive federalism, advising states on resource allocation.
  • GST (2017): Unified indirect taxes, with compensation to states for revenue losses; GST Council institutionalized cooperative federalism.
• Equitable Resource Distribution:
  • Vertical Devolution: The 15th Finance Commission recommended that 41% of the divisible pool be devolved to States.
  • Horizontal Devolution: Based on criteria like population, income distance, forest cover, and demographic performance.
  • Grants-in-aid: Address regional disparities and support social sector needs in backward regions.
• Economic Efficiency:
  • Performance-based Transfers: Incentivize fiscal discipline and governance reforms.
  • GST Regime: Promotes a unified market and ease of doing business, reducing economic distortions.
  • FRBM Act: Encourages prudent fiscal management and responsible borrowing

Challenges to Fiscal Federalism

• Vertical Fiscal Imbalance: The Union controls most revenue sources while States handle major expenditures like health and education.
• Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS): Often criticized for limiting States’ fiscal autonomy.
• GST Compensation Delay: Undermined trust in cooperative federalism.
• Borrowing Constraints: States require Union consent under Article 293(3), limiting financial flexibility.

Conclusion:

Balanced fiscal federalism is vital for equity, efficiency, and autonomy. Reforms should focus on timely tax devolution, incentivizing state revenue mobilization, performance-linked grants, targeted support for weaker states, and strengthened cooperative mechanisms. Strengthening state capacities and fiscal processes with NITI Aayog’s guidance will ensure sustainable and inclusive development across India.

Introduction: 

Judicial independence is a cornerstone of democracy, and transparent appointments are essential to preserve it. In India, the Collegium System governs the appointment and transfer of Supreme Court (SC) and High Court judges.

Body : 

Evolution of the Collegium System:

• Constitutional Provision: Article 124(2) empowers the President to appoint SC judges in consultation with the Chief Justice of India (CJI).
• S.P. Gupta v. Union of India (1981): Consultation interpreted narrowly, giving the executive significant control.
• First Judges Case (1982): Affirmed executive primacy.
• Second Judges Case (1993): Recognized CJI’s primacy; Collegium of CJI + four senior-most judges recommends appointments.
• Third Judges Case (1998): Clarified composition, procedure, and consultations for transfers and elevations.
• National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC, 2014): Proposed via 99th Amendment to replace the Collegium; included CJI, two senior SC judges, Law Minister, two eminent persons. 
  • Struck down in 2015 for violating judicial independence and the basic structure.
• Memorandum of Procedure (MoP): Framework for appointments by government and judiciary; revised in 2015 to enhance transparency, but still pending finalization.

Advantages:

• Protects judicial independence by minimizing political interference.
• Peer evaluation ensures selection based on merit, integrity, and experience.
• Shields the Constitution’s values by promoting judges committed to upholding democratic ideals.

Disadvantages:

• Lacks transparency and accountability; decisions are not publicly explained.
• It can create elitism and potential arbitrariness.
• Generates friction between the judiciary and the executive.

Comparison with the USA:

• In the USA, the President nominates judges, with Senate confirmation.
• Advantages: Greater democratic oversight and transparency.
• Disadvantages: Risk of political influence and partisanship, potentially undermining merit-based appointments.

Way Forward

• Codify Collegium Procedures: Formal guidelines for selection, eligibility, timelines, interviews, and anti-nepotism measures.
• Advisory & Search Committees: Include eminent jurists, academics, and Bar representatives.
• Transparency & RTI: Publish collegium decisions; allow public access.
• Diversity & Merit: Ensure representation of women, SC/ST, and performance-based selection.
• Efficiency & Technology: Enforce timelines, uniform retirement, AI-assisted candidate evaluation, and court management reforms.

Conclusion:

As Granville Austin noted, the Indian Constitution is a “seamless web of values,” where independence and accountability must coexist. The Collegium safeguards judicial autonomy, but reforms enhancing transparency, objective criteria, and accountability could strengthen legitimacy without compromising independence, creating a robust and trusted judiciary for the nation.

Introduction: 

The Indian Constitution, under Article 368, empowers Parliament to amend the Constitution. However, this power is neither absolute nor unlimited. Procedural safeguards and the basic structure doctrine ensure a balance between flexibility and constitutional continuity.

Body : 

Procedural Limitations

• Special Majority Requirement – Amendment bills must be passed in both Houses of Parliament by a majority of the total membership and two-thirds of members present and voting.
• State Ratification (Article 368(2)) – Certain amendments require ratification by at least half of the State Legislatures (e.g., federal provisions, representation in Parliament, powers of the President).
• No Joint Sitting – In case of deadlock, a joint sitting is not allowed, unlike ordinary legislation.
• Mandatory Presidential Assent – An amendment bill must be presented to the President, who cannot withhold assent.

Substantive Limitations

• Basic Structure Doctrine – Evolved in Kesavananda Bharati (1973), Parliament cannot alter the basic features such as rule of law, judicial independence, secularism, federalism, and democracy.
• Judicial Review – In Minerva Mills (1980), the Court struck down provisions giving unlimited amending power, reaffirming that limited government is part of the basic structure.
• Balance of Fundamental Rights and DPSPs – Amendments cannot destroy harmony between Part III (Fundamental Rights) and Part IV (DPSPs).
• Federalism Safeguards – Amendments altering the Union–State balance require state consent; unilateral central overreach is restricted.

Balance Between Constitutional Amendments and Continuity

• Amendments as Change Agents: Article 368 allows Parliament to adapt the Constitution to evolving social, political, and economic needs. 
  • Key examples include the 73rd & 74th Amendments (local governance), 86th Amendment (Right to Education), and 101st Amendment (GST), driving democratic deepening and economic modernization.
• Continuity of Core Principles: The procedural and substantive limitations protect core values—democracy, secularism, equality, federalism, judicial review, etc.
  • Judicial interventions in Minerva Mills (1980) and S.R. Bommai (1994) reinforced these limits, preventing authoritarian or majoritarian misuse while allowing reforms.

Conclusion:

Thus, while the Constitution grants Parliament wide powers to amend provisions, procedural safeguards ensure democratic participation, and substantive limits protect its core identity. As H.M. Seervai (eminent Indian jurist and constitutional expert) observed, “The Constitution balances flexibility with permanence, allowing growth without endangering its core principles,” emphasizing that amendments enable progress while preserving the Constitution’s foundational values.

Introduction:

The Supreme Court in Government of NCT of Delhi vs. Union of India (2018) emphasized that constitutional morality is the guiding principle that ensures governance and conduct remain faithful to the values of the Constitution. It demands adherence to constitutional principles over personal, political, or institutional interests.

Body : 

Concept of Constitutional Morality

• Constitutional morality (CM) is a concept that refers to the principles and values underlying a constitution that guide the actions of both the government and the citizenry.
• The concept of constitutional morality was propounded by the British Classicist George Grote in the 19th century.
  • He described CM as a “paramount reverence for the forms of the Constitution” of the land.
• In India, the term was first used by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.
• It requires restraint, fairness, transparency, and accountability in public life, including the judiciary.
• It elevates the Constitution above individual will, thus acting as a moral compass.

Application to Judicial Independence and Accountability

• Judicial Independence: The judiciary must be insulated from political interference to uphold Articles 50 (separation of judiciary from executive), 124–147 (independence of SC and HCs). 
  • Constitutional morality ensures that judges can deliver judgments without fear or favour, as seen in Kesavananda Bharati (1973) and NJAC (2015), where independence was safeguarded as part of the basic structure.
• Judicial Accountability: At the same time, constitutional morality demands accountability through mechanisms like impeachment under Articles 124(4) and 217, in-house procedures, and transparency in collegium appointments (Second Judges Case, 1993). 
  • For example, the CJI’s office being brought under RTI (2019) reflects balancing independence with accountability.
• Judicial Ethics: Adoption of the Restatement of Judicial Values (1997) ensures judges uphold constitutional morality by adhering to impartiality and integrity.
• Checks and Balances: The principle restrains judicial overreach (e.g., PIL misuse)  while mandating accountability through impeachment provisions (Art. 124(4)), in-house mechanisms, and increasing calls for transparent functioning.

Conclusion:

Constitutional morality thus ensures that judicial independence does not turn into judicial supremacy and accountability does not erode autonomy. As former CJI D.Y. Chandrachud observed, “True judicial independence is not a shield to protect wrongdoing, but an instrument to secure the fulfilment of constitutional values.”

Introduction:

Since the end of the Cold War, the world has witnessed the rise of globalization, promoting international trade, economic integration, and interconnectedness. However, the post-1990s period has seen a significant shift, with sovereign nationalism emerging as a key feature of global geopolitics, particularly in the face of rising protectionism and geopolitical tensions. This trend challenges the principles of open markets and global cooperation, signaling the waning influence of globalization.

Body:

• Decline of Globalization:
  • Over the past few decades, globalization led to economic interdependence and a rise in global trade. 
    • For example, global trade has increased incomes by around 24% globally and by around 50% for the poorest 40% of the population, lifting over 1 billion people out of poverty.
  • However, rising protectionist measures and trade wars have begun to undermine this trend. 
    • The US-China trade war, for instance, disrupted global value chains and exposed vulnerabilities in interconnected economies, leading to a shift towards more self-reliant national economies.
• Sovereign Nationalism on the Rise:
  • Nationalist governments, especially in the US and Europe, have adopted protectionist policies that prioritize national interests over global cooperation.
    • This is evident in policies such as Brexit, America First, and the Inflation Reduction Act (2022), which aim to reshore industries and protect domestic jobs.
  • Many countries are focusing on strategic autonomy, viewing global dependencies as vulnerabilities. 
    • India’s Atmanirbhar Bharat program, which promotes self-reliance in sectors like electronics and pharmaceuticals, reflects this shift. 
    • While aimed at fostering economic resilience, such policies are seen by critics as a form of economic nationalism rather than collaboration.
• Challenges to Global Trade:
  • Despite global trade resilience, geopolitical tensions and supply chain disruptions, amplified by the Covid-19 pandemic, highlight the risks of global interdependence. 
    • Countries now face the challenge of balancing national security concerns and economic growth with the benefits of global trade.
  • China’s rise and its role in global supply chains exemplify the paradox of a globalized economy with increasing nationalistic competition, as states push for self-reliance in key sectors like technology and manufacturing.

Conclusion:

The post-Cold War world has seen a significant shift from global cooperation to an era of sovereign nationalism, with protectionism on the rise globally. While globalization initially fostered economic growth and interdependence, recent developments indicate a move towards self-sufficiency and economic nationalism. This shift reflects the challenges and complexities faced by nations today, balancing national interests with the need for global collaboration in an increasingly fragmented world.

Introduction:

The India-Africa digital partnership has evolved over time, transcending traditional developmental models to foster mutual respect, co-development, and long-term institutional collaboration. As Africa embarks on its digital transformation journey, India’s focus on Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI), such as Aadhaar and UPI, offers significant co-creation opportunities that align with Africa’s national and continental goals.

Body:

• Mutual Respect and Co-Development in Digital Solutions:
  • India’s engagement with Africa emphasizes co-development, wherein Indian digital solutions are adapted to local needs. 
    • An example is the Modular Open-Source Identification Platform implemented in Togo, which reflects India’s commitment to providing affordable, scalable, and open-source solutions to support national digital agendas.
  • In 2023, Zambia partnered with India’s IIIT-B to enhance its Smart Zambia Initiative, integrating India’s digital public infrastructure models. 
    • This collaboration illustrates how India’s experience in building inclusive digital systems can help African nations achieve socio-economic progress.
• Institutional Partnerships and Digital Diplomacy:
  • The Bank of Namibia’s collaboration with India’s NPCI to develop a UPI-like payment system is a testament to the long-term institutional partnership emerging between India and Africa. 
    • Similarly, Ghana’s integration of UPI for faster transactions reflects the growing trust in India’s digital ecosystem as a model for financial inclusion across Africa.
  • These examples underscore how India’s role as a digital partner is distinct from other nations due to its emphasis on public-good models that are adaptable, affordable, and inclusive.
• Digital Infrastructure Challenges:
  • Despite the progress, Africa still faces challenges like digital divides, high data costs, and energy limitations. 
    • For instance, gender disparities in digital access remain a significant hurdle, with women often being excluded from the digital economy.
    • India’s expertise in digital literacy and capacity-building could help bridge this gap, but sustainable energy remains critical for scalable digital growth.
• Future Potential for India-Africa Digital Compact:
  • The India-Africa Digital Compact is poised to advance digital governance, creating inclusive public platforms across the continent. 
  • India’s ongoing commitment to co-development through initiatives like the IIT Madras campus in Zanzibar, which offers programs in Data Science and AI, aligns technical capacity-building with broader socio-economic goals for Africa.

Conclusion:

The India-Africa digital partnership exemplifies a model of mutual respect, co-development, and long-term collaboration in the digital space. Through initiatives focused on inclusive infrastructure, technology transfer, and capacity-building, both regions are poised to overcome current challenges and build a digital future that is equitable, sustainable, and transformative.

Introduction:

Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) are non-governmental entities that operate in the social, economic, and political arenas to advocate for public welfare, social justice, and human rights. While CSOs are vital for democratic governance and public accountability, they are often perceived as anti-State actors, particularly when their advocacy challenges government policies. This perception, however, does not represent the full scope of CSOs' roles in society.

Body:

• Why CSOs Are Perceived as Anti-State
  • CSOs highlight gaps in governance, rights violations, and policy failures, which governments may view as confrontational.
  • Protests against land acquisition laws and large-scale industrial projects have been portrayed as hindering economic growth.
  • Restrictions under FCRA 2020 on organizations like Greenpeace and Amnesty International were justified on sovereignty and security grounds.
  • Over 20,000 NGOs lost FCRA licenses between 2017–2023, curtailing access to funds and reinforcing perceptions of hostility.
  • Advocacy for human rights, environmental sustainability, or minority welfare is often labeled “anti-national” or foreign-influenced, deepening mistrust.
    
• Collaborative Role CSOs in Governance
  • Despite frictions, CSOs frequently partner with the State to strengthen development and welfare initiatives.
  • Under the National Rural Livelihoods Mission (NRLM), CSOs empower rural women through skill development and income generation.
  • SEWA, in collaboration with the government, has improved women’s livelihoods and financial inclusion.
  • Organizations like PRADAN and Goonj support community development, disaster relief, and local capacity-building.
  • During COVID-19, CSOs provided food aid, migrant worker support, and vaccine awareness, complementing government capacity.
    
• Service Delivery and Advocacy for Accountability
  • Local CSOs play a crucial role in last-mile delivery of schemes like MGNREGA and Poshan Abhiyan, ensuring inclusivity.
  • The National Campaign for People’s Right to Information (NCPRI) successfully pushed for the RTI Act, 2005, a landmark in strengthening accountability and transparency.
  • Such initiatives demonstrate CSOs’ dual role in service provision and policy advocacy.
    
• Global Recognition and Democratic Value
  • Reports by UNDP and World Bank identify CSOs as vital for achieving SDGs, participatory governance, and inclusive development.
  • By amplifying marginalized voices and fostering dialogue, CSOs reinforce democratic legitimacy and strengthen social trust.
    
• Balanced Understanding
  • The perception of CSOs as anti-State largely stems from their watchdog function, which challenges state authority.
  • In reality, they are constructive partners that complement governance, protect rights, and ensure equitable development.

Conclusion:

CSOs may sometimes confront the State, but this does not make them anti-State. They remain indispensable non-State actors, combining accountability functions with collaborative service delivery. Constructive State–CSO engagement is essential to achieve inclusive, participatory, and rights-based governance in India.

Introduction:

E-governance projects are typically designed to improve public service delivery by leveraging technology and digital infrastructure. However, there is often a built-in bias towards back-end integration and technology implementation, sometimes at the cost of user-centric design, which is essential for effective engagement and accessibility for all citizens.

Body:

• Technology-Centric Approach:
  • E-governance projects often focus on streamlining processes through back-end integration, such as digitizing records, and automating workflows.
    • While these advancements increase efficiency, they often overlook user experience and accessibility.
  • Digital India and UPI are notable examples where technological infrastructure has transformed public service delivery, but the primary focus has been on enhancing transactional efficiency rather than ensuring that services are easily accessible and user-friendly for marginalized sections.
    
• Lack of User-Centric Designs:
  • Many e-governance platforms, such as the UMANG app and DigiLocker, aim to provide comprehensive services but often fail to consider diverse user needs, especially in rural areas. 
    • For instance, gender gaps in mobile phone ownership and digital literacy often restrict women’s ability to fully engage with digital services, as highlighted by the NSS 2025 survey.
      
  • Services designed without consideration of local language barriers, regional disparities, or age-related challenges hinder effective usage. 
    • For example, a lack of regional language options or internet access can lead to disengagement or underutilization of otherwise beneficial services.
• Challenges with Inclusivity:
  • A focus on technology back-end integration may inadvertently exclude rural populations, senior citizens, and women, due to issues like inadequate digital infrastructure, low digital literacy, and lack of mobile ownership.
    
  • The 80th round National Sample Survey report indicates a significant gender gap in mobile ownership (63% of women vs. 83% of men), which affects their access to digital services, limiting their autonomy and privacy. 
    • As a result, women often rely on male family members, impeding their ability to participate fully in digital governance.
• User-Centric Design for Effective Governance:
  • A user-centric approach in e-governance would prioritize inclusive design, simplified interfaces, and multilingual support. 
    • This could ensure that every citizen, regardless of gender, age, or geography, can access and use government services effectively.
      
  • BharatNet and Digital India are working towards expanding broadband connectivity, which is crucial in rural areas to bridge the digital divide.
    • However, for meaningful digital participation, focus should also be on digital literacy programs and localized content tailored to specific user needs.

Conclusion:

While technological integration is essential for improving public administration, a user-centric design is equally crucial for ensuring that e-governance services are accessible, inclusive, and effective for all citizens. Balancing these two aspects will lead to more equitable and efficient governance, contributing to a truly inclusive digital society.

Introduction:

Women’s social capital refers to the networks, relationships, and trust that women build in their communities, contributing to both individual empowerment and gender equity. Empowering women through social capital helps in fostering economic independence, decision-making power, and collective action, all of which are essential to reducing gender inequality.

Body:

• Role of SHGs in Building Women’s Social Capital: Self-Help Groups (SHGs) serve as platforms for women to pool resources, enhance their financial inclusion, and share knowledge.
  • These networks promote trust and solidarity, which are critical components of social capital that allow women to participate in decision-making processes at the household, community, and even political levels.
  • SHGs like Kudumbashree in Kerala and Mahila Arthik Vikas Mahamandal in Maharashtra show how social capital can enable women to influence local governance and access resources effectively.
• Empowerment through Economic Independence: Initiatives like the Lakhpati Didi program, which aims to create 3 crore Lakhpati Didis, are directly linked to women’s economic self-reliance.
  • By earning Rs. 1 lakh annually, these women not only contribute to family welfare but also gain decision-making authority within their households and communities.
  • Such initiatives are part of broader efforts to enhance women’s participation in market-based activities, thus increasing their social capital and improving gender equity in rural India.
• Link Between Social Capital and Gender Equity: Social capital fosters collective action, enabling women to address social issues like domestic violence, child marriage, and education within their communities.
  • Through cooperative efforts, SHGs advocate for gender-sensitive policies and demand accountability from local governance structures, leading to greater representation of women in leadership roles like Sarpanch or Pradhan.
  • Studies show that the greater the participation in SHGs, the higher the accumulation of social capital, which correlates with improved economic and social empowerment.
• Institutional Support and Networking: Programs like the Deendayal Antyodaya Yojana - National Rural Livelihoods Mission (DAY-NRLM) and government schemes like Skill India offer training and market linkages, enhancing the social capital of women in rural areas.
  • By connecting women entrepreneurs with banks, government schemes, and market opportunities, these initiatives further strengthen women’s social networks and economic positions.

Challenges in Women’s Social Capital

• Proxy Representation in Politics – Despite 33% reservation under the 73rd Amendment, many women sarpanches serve as nominal heads, with real power exercised by male relatives.
• Multiple Marginalisation – Women from Dalit, tribal, and minority communities face compounded disadvantages due to caste, class, and gender, often resulting in lower resource allocation and weak institutional support.
• Patriarchal Norms & Limited Mobility – In several northern states, particularly in khap-dominated regions, women face restrictions on mobility and decision-making, curtailing their social participation.
• Cultural & Informal Barriers – Deep-rooted stereotypes and taboos discourage women from assuming leadership roles or participating freely in public forums.
• Digital Divide – Limited access to technology and digital platforms further reduces women’s ability to connect, organize, and engage in governance processes.

Way Forward

• Shift Social Attitudes – Promote awareness campaigns and community engagement to dismantle gender stereotypes.
• Invest in Education & Skilling – Expand schemes like Vigyan Jyoti, PMKVY, and STEM mentorship to bridge skill gaps.
• Strengthen Legal & Safety Nets – Scale up One Stop Centres, helplines, and ensure speedy justice via fast-track courts.
• Boost Economic Inclusion – Encourage women entrepreneurs through MUDRA Yojana, Stand-Up India, and inclusive banking models.
• Deepen Political Participation – Ensure effective implementation of the Women’s Reservation Act with leadership training and capacity-building.

Conclusion:

Women’s social capital plays a crucial role in advancing empowerment and achieving gender equity. Initiatives like SHGs and the Lakhpati Didi program demonstrate how collaborative networks empower women to overcome barriers, promote economic self-sufficiency, and increase social participation. These efforts contribute significantly to addressing gender inequality and achieving a more inclusive and equitable society.

Introduction:

The Attorney General of India (AGI) is the principal legal advisor to the Union Government, appointed by the President of India under Article 76 of the Constitution. The AG plays a vital role in advising the government on legal matters, representing it in courts, and ensuring legal governance in accordance with the Constitution.

Body: 

Responsibilities of AGI

• Legal Counsel (Art 76): Advises the Union Government on legal matters referred to him by the President, including those related to government interests.
• Representation Under Article 143: Represents the GoI in cases referred to the Supreme Court by the President under Article 143 on legal questions of public importance.
• Constitutional Functions: Executes functions vested by the Constitution or laws, including drafting legal opinions and appearing in important cases.

Rights & Limitations of the Attorney General of India

Conclusion:

The Attorney General of India holds a pivotal role in ensuring the legal integrity of the Union Government's actions. While enjoying rights like court representation and legal consultation, the AG's duties are balanced by limitations to avoid conflicts of interest and preserve the impartiality and integrity of the office.

Introduction:

The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Act of 2019 marked a significant transformation in the region, changing its status from a state to a Union Territory (UT). As part of this shift, Jammu and Kashmir gained a legislative assembly, which now governs the UT. This marks the first such election after the abrogation of Article 370, introducing significant constitutional and governance changes.

Body:

Nature of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly:

• Changes After the Abrogation of Article 370: The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Act, 2019, bifurcated the state into two Union Territories: Jammu and Kashmir (with a legislative assembly) and Ladakh (without one). 
  • The Act also removed the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, extending the Indian Constitution fully to the region.

Powers and Functions of the J&K Assembly 

• Governance or Legislative Power: The governance of Jammu and Kashmir under the new Union Territory status resembles models like Delhi and Puducherry, which also have legislative assemblies. 
  • As per Section 32 of the Act, the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly can make laws on subjects in the State List (except public order and police) and the Concurrent List.
• Financial Powers: Any financial bill or budget requires the prior recommendation of the Lieutenant Governor before being introduced in the Assembly, giving the LG significant control over financial matters.
• Power of LG: The LG has considerable power over issues such as public order, police, and matters not under the purview of the Legislative Assembly.
  • The LG also has the discretion to act independently in areas like the Anti-Corruption Bureau and the All India Services, which enhances his influence over regional governance.
  • The LG also has the authority to appoint key officials, including the Advocate General and law officers, and take decisions related to prosecution and sanctions.
  • As per the Union Home Ministry, the LG can nominate 5 members to the J&K Assembly without the elected government’s aid and advice, treating it as a statutory function; the matter is currently sub judice in the J&K High Court (2025).

Conclusion:

The powers of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly post-2019 are significantly limited compared to those of full states. The Assembly can legislate on many subjects, but key areas such as law and order and financial matters are under the control of the Lieutenant Governor. This structure reflects a model similar to Delhi’s, where the Lieutenant Governor plays a key role, balancing legislative autonomy with central control.

Introduction:

The power to pardon is an important executive function, allowing the head of state to exercise mercy in judicial matters. Both the President of India and the President of the United States hold the authority to grant pardons, but the nature and scope of this power differ significantly between the two countries. 

Body:

The Indian President’s Power to Pardon:

• Constitutional Provision: Under Article 72 of the Indian Constitution, the President of India has the power to grant pardons, reprieves, respites, and remissions of punishment. 
• This power can be exercised in cases involving court-martial sentences, Union law offenses, and death sentences.
• Scope and Application: The President can grant pardons to individuals convicted of offenses under Union law, including those sentenced to death or tried by military courts. 
• Limits: The President must act on the advice of the Cabinet, and while the power is discretionary, it is subjected to judicial review, particularly if the decision is seen as arbitrary or discriminatory.

Preemptive Pardons:

• Preemptive pardons before a conviction are not commonly granted in India. Pardons are generally granted after conviction, and the President’s power is subject to the Cabinet’s advice.

The US President’s Power to Pardon:

• Constitutional Provision: The US Constitution grants the President the power to issue pardons for federal offenses, under Article II, Section 2, except in impeachment cases. 
  • This power is broad and discretionary, meaning the President can pardon individuals without providing a reason or explanation.
• Scope and Application: The US President can issue pardons for federal crimes at any stage: before prosecution, during trial, or after conviction. A pardon nullifies the punishment but does not erase the criminal record or imply innocence.
• Limits: The President can only pardon federal crimes and cannot pardon state offenses.
  • The power does not extend to cases of impeachment.
• Judicial Oversight: There is no direct formal judicial review of the President’s pardon power, although its use can be subject to public and political scrutiny.

Preemptive Pardons:

• A preemptive pardon, is granted before investigation, trial, or conviction, covering potential past acts that might later attract charges. This power comes from Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution, covering federal crimes only.
• The most famous case was Gerald Ford’s 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon after Watergate.
• It cannot apply to state crimes, though politically controversial.

Key Differences Between the Pardon Powers of the President in the India and US

Conclusion:

The presidential pardon powers in India and the USA serve similar purposes in granting mercy, correcting judicial errors, and promoting justice, but the notable differences such as in India, the President’s power to pardon is subject to consultation and is typically exercised after conviction, whereas in the USA, the President has unilateral discretion and can issue pardons for federal offenses, including preemptive pardons.

Introduction:

Administrative tribunals are specialized quasi-judicial bodies (Art 323A) designed to deal with disputes and issues that arise within specific administrative domains, often related to public service, tax, or regulatory matters.Their necessity arose from the limitations of the traditional court system, which is often overburdened and lacks the expertise to efficiently handle such specialized cases. 

Body:

Need for Administrative Tribunals:

• Specialized Jurisdiction: Administrative tribunals are designed to handle disputes in areas such as taxation, labor disputes, and service matters.
• For example, the Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT) deals with government service-related matters, requiring knowledge of administrative rules and regulations.
• Efficiency and Speed: The Indian judiciary faces a severe backlog of cases, with millions pending in regular courts. Administrative tribunals were established to relieve the burden on courts by handling specific kinds of cases.
• Tribunals streamline adjudication, offering parties a more expeditious method of seeking justice, especially in specialized areas where the expertise of the judicial body can expedite the process.
• Cost-Effectiveness: Simplified legal processes reduce the need for extensive and complex legal representation and make access to justice more affordable for individuals and businesses involved in technical disputes.

Tribunal Reforms, 2021 and its Impact

• Apex Court’s Role in Appointments: The 2021 reform proposes changes to the Search-cum-Selection Committee, which will be responsible for the appointment of tribunal members. 
  • The committee will include the Chief Justice of India (CJI) or a nominated Supreme Court judge, members of the government, and the outgoing tribunal chairperson.
  • Impact: The appointment process through judicial scrutiny could lead to better accountability.
• Rationalization and Consolidation of Tribunals: The reforms aimed to rationalize and consolidate several tribunals to reduce overlap and make the system more efficient. 
  • Tribunals with similar functions, such as the Appellate Tribunal for Electricity and the Telecom Disputes Settlement and Appellate Tribunal, were merged to reduce redundancy and improve operational efficiency.
  • Impact: The rationalization and consolidation of tribunals are expected to result in quicker adjudication, particularly in overlapping areas where there were multiple forums for the same type of dispute.
• Strengthening of Administrative Processes: The reforms introduced provisions for streamlining the structure and functioning of tribunals, including the terms of office for members, their qualifications, and procedures for removal. 
  • Impact: This can ensure greater accountability and professionalism in tribunal decisions.
• Operationalization of the Tribunal for Non-Performing Assets (NPA): The 2021 reforms also introduced specialized tribunals to handle financial sector issues, such as Non-Performing Assets (NPA) disputes, aiming for a specialized resolution mechanism in the banking sector.
• Impact: The reforms can enhance accessibility to administrative justice, particularly in sectors like banking, taxation, and labor.

Conclusion:

While the Tribunal Reforms 2021 hold promise in making the tribunal system more effective, challenges related to executive control and independence still need to be addressed to ensure fairness in the long run. These reforms are a positive step towards creating a more robust, accessible, and specialized judicial system for administrative matters.

Introduction:

The Representation of the People Act, 1951 defines several corrupt practices that are prohibited during elections to ensure that elections remain free, fair, and transparent. Some of them include bribery, undue influence, intimidation, misrepresentation of facts, and appeals based on religion, caste, or community.

Body:

Corrupt Practices under the RPA, 1951:

The RPA, 1951, particularly under Section 123, defines a range of corrupt practices that can affect the fairness of elections:

• Bribery (Section 123(1)): Offering money or goods to influence voters’ choices.
• Undue Influence (Section 123(2)): Any act by a candidate that directly or indirectly interferes with the free exercise of electoral rights. This can include threats, coercion, or pressure on voters.
• Use of Caste and Identity Politics (Section 123(3)): Seeking votes based on identity politics, such as caste, religion, or language.
  • In SR Bommai v. Union of India (1994), the Supreme Court ruled that religion cannot be mixed with secular activities, emphasizing that using religious or communal identities to gain votes is a corrupt practice under Section 123(3).
• False Statements (Section 123(4)): Publication of false statements intended to influence the election results.
  • In Anugrah Narayan Singh v. Harsh Vardhan Bajpayee (2022): The Supreme Court ruled that providing false information about a candidate’s educational qualifications cannot be considered a corrupt practice under Section 123(4) of the RPA, 1951.

Implications/Challenges of Corrupt Practices under RPA, 1951

• Threat to Electoral Integrity: Practices like bribery, undue influence, and personation distort voter choice and weaken the foundation of free and fair elections.
• Communal and Social Polarisation: Appeals to religion, caste, or language for electoral gains deepen social fault lines, violating the secular spirit of the Constitution.
• Criminalisation of Politics: False statements, and use of illegal methods often go hand-in-hand with candidates having criminal backgrounds, entrenching unethical practices in politics.
• Weak Enforcement & Judicial Delays: Since charges of corrupt practices can be challenged only through election petitions in courts, delays dilute accountability and deterrence.

Disproportionate Asset Growth and Undue Influence:

• Legitimate Wealth vs. Corrupt Wealth: If the increase in assets is a result of legitimate business ventures, inheritance, or legal investment, it would not be considered undue influence. 
  • However, if the wealth increase coincides with election campaigns, and there is evidence of bribery, vote buying, or misuse of power to influence voters or win elections, this could be a form of undue influence.
  • Such actions distort the fairness of elections by using illicit wealth to coerce voters or secure electoral advantages.
• In some cases, disproportionate asset growth can be a sign of corruption, especially if the wealth is linked to government contracts, favors, or illegal activities. 
  • If these assets are used to influence voters or secure votes, it can be considered a corrupt practice under the RPA, 1951.
• Disclosure Requirements under RPA:
  • Candidates must file affidavits (Form 26, Conduct of Elections Rules, 1961) disclosing assets, liabilities, and sources of income.
  • Non-disclosure or concealment of essential information may be challenged as a corrupt practice (linked to Sections 33, 33A, 125A of RPA).

Limitations of RPA’s Scope:

• Not all cases of disproportionate asset growth fall under the RPA. RPA applies where illicit wealth is misused to influence elections.
• Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 and Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA), 2002 is also in action to deal with corruption and money laundering cases.

Conclusion:

Supreme Court judgments in Anugrah Narayan Singh v. Harsh Vardhan Bajpayee(2022) and SR Bommai v. Union of India(1994) have helped define the scope of undue influence, illustrating how electoral integrity can be compromised through unethical means. Hence, such actions should be scrutinized under the legal framework of the RPA, 1951 to preserve the sanctity of elections.